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Grice's General Cooperative Principle has been a subject of ongoing debate for the past several decades. This principle, primarily conveyed through Grice's maxims, has been criticized as highly ethnocentric. However, it's important to consider these maxims not as rigid rules but as "reference points for language interchange" (Allan as cited in Clyne, 1994, p. 11). While there is some validity to this perspective, Mey (1994, p. 74) suggests that the principle and maxims are "always defined relative to a particular culture." This cultural context underlying communication is at the heart of the debate surrounding Grice's cooperative principle and its maxims.
Many linguists, such as Keenan (1976), Wierzbicka (1985), Clyne (1994), and Bowe & Martin (2007), have criticized Grice's Maxims for their perceived ethnocentrism, asserting that they are based on Anglo-Saxon norms and culture.
This Anglo-centric nature poses challenges for intercultural communication as these maxims may not align with the value systems of various cultures, including European and Southeast Asian cultures where concepts like harmony, respect, and restraint hold paramount importance (Clyne, 1994, p. 192).
As an effort to make Grice's principles more universally applicable and inclusive of intercultural conversations, Clyne (1994) proposed a set of revised 'maxims.' While these revisions broaden the scope of Grice's model to encompass a wider variety of contexts and cultures, they still do not provide a universally comprehensive framework for intercultural communication.
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In reality, conversations are highly contextual and influenced by individual personality factors (Watts, 1991), as well as pragmatic and intercultural competence.
On the surface, Grice's cooperative principle might appear to be well-suited for intercultural analysis, as it allows for a degree of uncertainty that accommodates discussions of cultural diversity.
Grice's assertion that participants in a conversation aim to make contributions that align with the accepted purpose or direction of the exchange leaves room for different purposes and requirements in various cultural contexts. However, it's important to note that Grice's focus was not primarily on intercultural analysis, and his descriptions of discourse as "concerted enterprises" allowing for diversity in motivations and objectives (1989: 369) do not claim universality.
Grice himself approached his cooperative principle with caution, describing it as a "first approximation of a general principle" (1989: 26). He was careful not to overstate the case for 'cooperation' and acknowledged that participants recognize a common purpose or mutually accepted direction only to some extent (1989, p. 26). It's evident that Grice's maxims depict an idealized and simplified language use, whereas real-life conversations are far more intricate.
Grice's maxims face limitations when applied across all cultural contexts. In some cultures, direct truth-telling in conversations may be considered impolite or inappropriate. Intercultural differences do not always align with universal principles. For instance, some cultures, like Chinese, often emphasize indirect speech, which may conflict with Grice's maxims of quantity and manner.
For example, in Chinese culture, when offered a drink, it is customary to decline politely at first, expecting the offer to be made repeatedly. This phatic communication serves as a way to maintain politeness and does not align with Grice's maxims. When someone fails to adhere to this cultural norm in favor of following Grice's maxims, they may come across as odd or out of place.
Many linguists, including Clyne (1994), Hymes (1986), Loveday (1983), and Walsh (2009), have pointed out this discrepancy between theory and real-world communication, highlighting that Grice's maxims primarily apply to English-speaking Western contexts. Clyne (1994) specifically noted that these maxims have limited relevance in cultures where content and knowledge are highly valued.
For example, the Malagasy people engage in communication characterized by opacity, convolution, and non-perspicuity, which contrasts with Grice's Maxim of Quantity. In this culture, withholding information is a form of prestige, and indirect language use prevails. The environmental, social, and cultural factors greatly influence conversational implicature. Hymes (1986) emphasized that while every culture values truth, informativeness, relevance, and clarity to some extent, the expression and articulation of these values vary among cultures.
In an effort to account for these cultural variations, Clyne (1994) proposed revisions to Grice's maxims, incorporating cultural norms and expectations. For example, the maxim of quality was modified to "do not say what you believe to be in opposition to your cultural norms of truth, harmony, charity, and/or respect." This revision accommodates situations where truth may be sacrificed to preserve face or harmony, as commonly observed in Chinese and Vietnamese cultures.
Clyne's revisions acknowledge the importance of cultural parameters like truth, harmony, and face in intercultural conversations. However, they still do not offer a one-size-fits-all solution for intercultural communication, as discourse is highly context-dependent, influenced by both culture and individual factors. In reality, pragmatic and intercultural competence play a central role in navigating intercultural conversations.
While Clyne's (1994) revised maxims better address cultural variation, they do not fully capture the complexity of intercultural communication. Pragmatic competence, particularly the differences in pragmatic competence across cultures, often poses challenges in intercultural conversations. As Thomas (1984) points out, differences in pragmatic competence are a common source of difficulties in intercultural communication.
Moreover, individuals can achieve a high level of linguistic proficiency while having relatively low socio-pragmatic proficiency. This discrepancy may lead to speakers using language that is deemed inappropriate, incomprehensible, or even offensive in certain contexts (Thomas, 1984).
Consider the following example: An Australian manager is reassigned to the Athens office of his organization and is assigned a Greek secretary. He habitually uses indirect requests like 'Could you type this letter?' One day, the secretary complains to a colleague, expressing a preference for her boss to provide direct instructions rather than asking. She feels that, as the boss, he should simply tell her what to do.
This scenario involves a mixture of assumptions about the rights and obligations of two parties within an asymmetrical power dynamic. The Australian boss employs politeness strategies that give the subordinate the option to decline the request, effectively reducing the power distance. However, this approach clashes with the secretary's expectations, as she perceives her role as subservient and unambiguous directives as more appropriate.
The Australian boss's politeness strategies are based on Western notions of politeness that prioritize allowing options, even if they are not genuinely viable. The secretary, however, interprets these strategies differently due to the existing power dynamic and her cultural background.
While the encounters between the Australian manager and the Greek secretary do not result in complete breakdowns of communication, they illustrate the need for negotiation and adaptation in intercultural interactions. Both parties bring their own socio-pragmatic norms into the situation, and their differing interpretations of politeness lead to miscommunication and dissatisfaction.
Ultimately, Grice's maxims cannot be treated as absolute rules in intercultural communication. Language is intricately intertwined with culture and society, making cultural and pragmatic considerations essential for successful communication. Linguistic competence alone does not guarantee effective intercultural communication, as individual differences in socio-pragmatic and strategic competence can lead to misinterpretations and offense.
Intercultural communication involves negotiation and adaptation at the local level, where participants must consider and respect each other's cultural norms and expectations. Participants must also recognize the impact of culture on communicative utterances. After all, in intercultural conversations, it is individuals, not cultures, that directly interact with one another (Agar, 1994).
In conclusion, Grice's Cooperative Principle and its associated maxims offer valuable insights into communication, but they are not universally applicable in intercultural contexts. Cultural, pragmatic, and intercultural competence are vital factors that shape the success of intercultural communication. While cultural variations may pose challenges, effective communication across cultures is achievable through mutual understanding and adaptation.
The Evolution and Challenges of Grice's Cooperative Principle. (2016, Mar 28). Retrieved from https://studymoose.com/clynes-revision-of-grices-maxims-essay
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