The Panama Canal Crisis: A Violent Chapter in American History

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As early as the 1500s, the idea of constructing a ship canal between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans occurred to navigators and explorers, as the geographical form of the Central American Isthmus was becoming known. Many Isthmus surveys were made over the years. Opinion remained divided between a route through Panama and a longer route through Nicaragua. This divided opinion continued until the building of the Panama Canal was begun by the U.S. in 1904. By the end of the century the U.

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S. government would find themselves in an unnerving situation; concerned with the Panama Canal and other economic interests would unfortunately demonstrate unequaled force and damage to an innocent people with their focus on something other than what was in the sights of their rifles.

Panama was originally created by the US in 1903 so that they could build a canal between the Pacific and the Atlantic Ocean. Noriega, Panamas defacto leader, was in league with the US, the CIA, and the Drug Enforcement Agency until 1986.

In June 1987 violent popular demonstrations erupted in the streets, due to reports of election fraud and Noriegas involvement in major human rights abuses. In February 1988, Noriega was charged by the US courts with aiding in the trafficking of drugs between Columbia and the US. The president of Panama subsequently fired Noriega from commander of the Panamanian Defense Force. The National Assembly replaced the president with a supporter of Noriega. Noriega himself although still sustained most of the power within the Panama Defense Force. The U.

S. refused to recognize the new president and placed massive economic pressure on Panama by cutting off U.S. aid, freezing all Panamanian corporations.

Noriega was a corrupt dictator heading an efficient narco-militaristic regime in Panama. He was involved in drug trafficking, arms smuggling, money laundering, and the ruthless oppression of his people. He also systematically violated the American-Panamanian Canal treaties and harassed U.S. forces and institutions in Panama. The problems the U.S. recognized in Noriega began in 1985 as an internal Panamanian affair. Between 1985 and the 1989 U.S. invasion, it went through a series of five mini-crises.

These included the murder of Hugo Spadaraora, a physician but also a revolutionary, a guerrilla fighter, and a political activist. The Herrara confessions were brought forth by Colonel Roberto Herrera who was to replace Noriega after he was to retire in 1987. After Noriega announced he would remain in control Herrera in retaliation publicly revealed details about Noriegas crimes as well as accused him of orchestrating the murder of Spadafora. A turning point occurred in February 1988, when the United States declared drugs to be the major threat to American society at the same time that Noriega was indicted in Florida for drug trafficking and money laundering.

The Reagan and Bush administrations hoped for and peferred a Panamanian solution, like a coup, an election that would end Noriegas rule, or a popular uprising similar to that of the uprising that dumped Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines.

On October 1st 1989, the wife of Moises Giroldi, a member of Noriegas inner circle who had crushed the 1988 Macias coup attempt, informed Southcom officers that her husband was planning a nonviolent coup against Noriega and that he wanted limited U.S. help. Giroldis coup took place on October 3rd 1989. Mrs. Giroldi and her children were given shelter, the U.S. forces blocked the requested roads and for a few hours Noriega was a prisoner in the hands of Giroldi, who tried unsuccessfully to persuade him to retire. Supposedly several rebel leaders, but not Giroldi, were then prepared to turn Noriega over to U.S. authorities, but in some way Noriega was able to contact his special unit, Battalion 2000. The Battalion crushed the rebellion using other Noriega loyalists. Giroldi was later severely tortured and killed as were several other coup leaders.

The two administrations used covert operations to help start popular uprisings and coups and also assisted the opposition in the 1989 Panamanian elections. None of these efforts were successful, and the United States decided to use other measures to remove Noriega such as negotiations, economic and diplomatic sanctions, and military threats. These attempts also failed, partly due to mixed messages, operational restrictions, and incompetent American policies and plans. During this time Noriega could feel no other than fully immune to American reprisals or punishment. He believed the U.S. would not result to force to capture him.

At the end of 1989, the Noriega crisis had grown to more critical proportions. The U.S. public wanted Bush to fulfill his campaign promise to combat drugs. Failure of the Giroldi coup to oust Noriagas

power and the fact that the U.S. had to relinquish to Panama the right to appoint the head of the Panama Canal Commission by January 1, 1990 was a message to Bush that the U.S. government might have to use force to insure the security of the Panama Canal to U.S. shipping lines, as well as insure the U.S. public that Noriega and his charges where to be dealt with.

At 1AM on December 20, 1989, 24000 U.S. troops invaded Panama. They met little resistance but the intervention resulted in over 2500 (reported by the UN) Panamanian deaths and over one thousand injuries. Noriega surrendered to U.S. forces fifteen days later and was taken to prison in Florida. During and after the invasion there were many reputable reports of un-reputable and unnecessary damage to many districts and communities within Panama City. Mainly of the poor neighborhoods bordering the city were torched by U.S. solders burning entire city blocks including some inhabitants.

While the invasion was popular (80% of Americans supported the invasion), it also violated international law and set back the gains that international law had been making in inter-state relations. According to Article 18 of the revised Organization of American States (O.A.S.) Charter, of which the U.S. is a member, No State of group of States has the right to intervene, directly of indirectly, for any reason whatever, in the internal or external affairs of any other state. The U.S. invasion was condemned by a vote of 75-25 in the UN General Assembly and a landslide of 20-1 in an O.A.S. vote. The invasion may have created short term benefits to the U.S., for instance the arrest of Noriega and a continuance of involved control of the Panama Canal, but the intervention did little on the drug trade if any. The New York Times actually reported that the drug trade immediately following the invasion actually increased.

George Bushs expressed reasons for invading were to safeguard democracy, save American lives, protect the Panama Canal, and to capture Noriega. Unfortunately for the Panamanian citizens who were burned, shot, crushed and or tortured by the U.S. solders who were simply following orders; for them there was never any democratic system to restore, American citizens residing in Panama were in minimal danger, and the canal was not threatened at any point by the Panamanian military and the act of capturing Noriega broke international law. Richard Barnet explained the real U.S. rational for the invasion:

It was a made-to-order occasion for muscle flexing: a central-casting villain. .. who made clumsy threats and shed American blood; a relatively low cost military operation to convince taxpayers that the $300 billion military budgets of recent years actually by something you can use; a military victory for a commander in chief who was still suspected of wimpishness; and a glorious moment in the war against drugs - Bush finally got his man.

The leaders of the United States try hard to maintain their firm grasp on the Panama Canal and many other economic interests throughout the world on a daily basis. The American freedom and way of life is dearly important to all Americans; Though the use of force and military action against a people only to capture one person is highly un-ethical and deserves no gratitude. Persuasion, warnings, negotiations, sanctions, and threats all failed to convince Noriega to resign, as well as Saddam to withdraw from Kuwait. Lengthy negotiations and moderate means may send the wrong signals to corrupt authoritarian leaders who play foreign policy games by their own rules. Perhaps if the United States had delivered a tougher and yet clearer message up front and in the beginning of the conflict a cleaner and more efficient outcome would have prevailed, saving both lives and resorces.