Mediterranean island Essay
This document looks at the present day state of Cyprus, the largest of the Mediterranean island after Sicily and Sardinia, with its split into two communities, each at odds with the other. The history of the island and in particular of this relatively modern occurrence are considered from various points of view including that of outsiders such as the United States of America, the United Nations, the wider European community, in particular the members of the European economic community as well as the individual countries of Greece and Turkey. Introduction Project Rationale
Cyprus is an island in the Mediterranean inhabited in the main by two ethnic groups; Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, although there are a small number of others including members of the Maronite and Armenian Apostolic churches. In 1960, the groups were brought together politically as the Republic of Cyprus, but by the beginning of 1963 conflicts had erupted between Greek and Turkish Cypriots that have not been resolved to this day. In the international agenda, Cypriot problems started 35 years ago in 1974 when the ruling junta in Athens, opposed as they were to Archbishop Makarios, named Nicos Sampson as president.
He, a Greek Cypriot right-winger, had a reputation as a Turk fighter. This appointment provoked Turkey to intervene under the Treaty of Guarantee by which Greece, Turkey and Britain were empowered to act if the communal balance on the island were seen to be disturbed. Britain, who have bases on the island were also inclined to intervene to intervene, but were persuaded to stay out of the matter by the then U. S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Under the terms of the treaty, the two countries should have used any necessary force to counter the coup and so re-establish the legally elected government of the island.
Because Britain did not act Turkey quickly occupied the northern 37 percent of the island forcing Greek Cypriots to leave their homes and move south, and later putting pressure on Turkish Cypriots to move north. Since that time none of the solution proposals and processes that have taken place between the two sides have been able to bring about an established peace. Instead the island has not only been separated by clashing ethnical, cultural, linguistically or political conflicts, but also by borders that separate the two communities into north and south sections.
Turkish Cypriots are held in the north section of the island while the Greek Cypriots are placed in the south section of the island. Growing up in an island and not knowing the other side, is like not knowing other half of your body. Although, Cypriots are in some ways one community, living as they all do in a relatively confined space, isolated by the sea from other groups, the political dimensions and nationalist conflicts have torn them apart. By 2001 the political climate had started to change in Cyprus, which why it made me more motivated to make my research project upon this conflict study of Cyprus.
As the Cyprus problem has been on the international political agenda for more than three decades, it is possible to do great research on the subject and link it easily to my previous studies in international relations. In order to achieve a successful research report on the concerned title, the main focus should be on the selected objectives, which mainly indicates concentration on the origin of the problem and the current position. By careful analysis of these the future may be clearer. There are many other issues related to be discussed further and these will be examined throughout the project.
Generally, the historical background will take us to the origin of the problem and the causes of the division, meaning that all events took place between 1955 till 1974 will address the cause of the problem. In addition, from 1974 until today events such as United Nation making resolutions for a peaceful settlement in Cyprus and examination of the reasons for failure of such resolutions will reveal the path that North and South Cyprus went through until today. In other sections, major theories and approaches from both sides will be taken in account to analyze each perspective much more clearly.
Furthermore, minor focus will be on the European Union impact and its influence on the island and the economic results of this since 1974. This evaluation will help to show the differences as well as the problem points. In the final chapter the future of Cyprus will be discussed and will include ideas about internal and external perspectives in order to make the final point. Hopefully, by this plan for the research, the causes behind the separation and the reasons for the continuing separation will be reveled and the project will be completed in success. Objectives
The purpose and objectives of this study are to :- • To analyze why the division of Cyprus between Turks and Greeks is continuing to the present day. • To investigate the background of the division and the reasons for it. • To demonstrate the link between European Union and Cyprus. • To evaluate the future of north and south Cyprus ‘United Cyprus States’ • To illustrate the problem of economic factors and problems of Cyprus. Project Structure This project will consider the history of Cyprus together with its economic importance and its geographical position.
It will investigate the differences between the two sides in this long running dispute, including their individual motivations and reasoning, including looking at events in the years immediately before the 1974 crisis. It seems that in order to succeed economically the island should provide a united front. Is this necessarily so? Could peaceful co-existence be the answer? It is now a generation since the worst of the troubles when people were forced to give up their homes. Do the younger generation want things to return as they are or are they settled in the new areas?
Is this a racial and cultural difference or is it more to do with political ideas and religious ones? Questions such as these will be considered. Methodology A study of various documents including newspaper reports of the various events that have taken place, especially since 1974 and comments upon these. Also looking at the problem from various points of view:- Turkish, Greek, historical, up to date, political and economic. Introduction Cyprus is the third largest of the Mediterranean islands. Nowadays it is officially the Republic of Cyprus and a member of the European Union since May 2004.
A map designed for visitors reveals nothing of the turmoil therein. All is not perfect however. The majority of inhabitants fall into two ethic and religious groups – In January 2008 the country adopted the euro as its currency, thus bringing it into line with much of eastern Europe and countries such as Germany and France. It has many attractive features, including historic monuments, varied scenery and a year round equable climate and the country is promoted as a holiday destination All is not perfect however.
The majority of the inhabitants fall into two groups divided by religion, race, culture and language, ethnic Greeks who belong to the Greek Orthodox Church, and Muslim Turks. This split has led to many problems over a considerable period of time. In 1974 this inter communal split led to an attempted attempted coup d’etat by Greek Cypriot nationalists whose aim was to annex the island the island to Greece. At that time a military junta was in command in Athens and it seems that their input were the main impetus behind the attempt.
Turkey reacted by invading the island and occupied the northern third. This meant the displacement of many thousands of Cypriots because of the establishment of a separate Turkish Cypriot political entity in the north. The results of this event are still having their effects on island life a generation later. People are growing up on either side of a divide – a divide in language, religion, culture, politics, loyalties. Yet there are many communities around the world where people of very different backgrounds manage more or less peaceful co-existance despite huge differences.
Why can Cyprus not be one of them? History of Cyprus The illustrated history of Cyprus by Mariana Christofides, bears the title ‘The Island Everybody Wanted’ and describes the islands history from the first hut dwellers of Chirokitia, through Greek city wars, The Byzantines, the Crusaders, the Venetians, Ottomans and all the rest. The first written source known shows Cyprus under the rule of the Assyrian Empire a stela from Kition discovered in 1845 commemorates the victory in 709 B. C. E.
of king Sargon II (721-705 BC) over the seven kings in the land of Ia’, in the district of Iadnana or Atnana. The former name is believed to be the Assyrian name for the island, and Atnana may refer to Greece some authors take the latter to mean Greece. There are other inscriptions referring to Ia’ in Sargon’s palace at Khorsabad. The ten kingdoms of Cyprus are listed on an inscription of Esarhaddon from 673/2 BC. These consist of Soli, Salamis, Kition, Amathus, Kourion, Paphos in the coastal regions and Tamassos, Ledrai, Idalion and Chytroi further inland.
Later inscriptions mention also Marion, Lapithos and Kerynia. These city-kingdoms began to produce their own coinage around in about 500 BCE. using the weight system of the dominant Persian Empire. The island gained short lived independence in 660’s B. C. E. but according to the Ancient History of Cyprus web site was conquered by Egyptian forces in 570B. C. E. As regards religion the main goddess was the Phoenician Astarte, later adopted by the Greeks as Aphrodite although a number of other deities were revered from both the Phoenician and Egyptian pantheons.
Statues from this period show mixed influences as one might expect from a trading nation in the mid Mediterranean. – Egyptian wigs, beards worn in the Assyrian style and clothing in western Asian style. Most of the Cypriot city kingdoms took part in the Ionian uprising of 499 B. C. E. when the Persian besieged their towns. The copper mines of Tomassos were important at that period. There would be further uprisings and changes of control over many centuries. Even as early as the final centuries before Christianity the island had two alphabets – Phoenician and Greek.
Gradually Greek names began to be used for all the gods worshipped by the islanders. Under the Ptolomies full Hellenization occurred and the old syllabic script disappears from the record. Then in 58 B. C. E.. the island came under Roman rule and in the first century of the Common Era Christianity arrived, at first in the form of Paul and Barnabus By the time of the Sardican council in of 344 the island was represented by 12 bishops. With the eventual division of the failing Roman Empire it became a part of Byzantium.
From 1192 to 1489 it was ruled under the feudal system with Catholicism as its religion then control passed first to the Venetians and then to the Ottoman Turks. At this point Catholicism was eradicated in favor of Islam and Orthodox Christianity. In 1914 Cyprus was annexed by Britain after more than three centuries of Ottoman ( Turkish ) rule when Turkey sided with Germany in the First World War, a mov ewhich led to th dissolution and break up of the former OttomanEmpire. and in 1925 the island became a colony of the British crown.
Despite the passage of many years and th esrong influnce of both Greece and Turkey the legal system continues to be based in the main upon the British system as it does in many other places where Britain once ruled.. Acording to Ata Atun the idea of Cyprus uniting with Greece had been around for hundreds of years despite its proximity to Turkey and the high percentage of ethnic Turkish inhabitnats. He quotes a survey of 1950 as saying that both the Greek Cypriot churhc and 96% of Greek Cypriots wanted Enosis i. e union with Greece. On th eother hand the Turkish part of the population at that time voted 100% for ‘taksim’ i.
e. for partition. The British government, in response to the varied views expressed, putting forward a proposed new constitution. This was found acceptable by the Turkish Cypriots but opposed by Greeks especially members of the notorious (EOKA) of the Greek Cypriots, for whom the only solution possible was enosis. What Mr. Atun describes as ‘The obsession of the Greek Cypriots’ was to lead to a series of disasters in the years that followed. Greek inhabitants began a guerilla war against the British in 1955 according to the BBC News, Timeline Cyprus web page.
The guerilla force led by George Grivas, the National Organization of Cypriot Combatants or fighters (EOKA),were particularly adamant that they wanted ‘enosis’, that is unification with Greece. The British authorities armed a paramilitary police force consisting of Turkish Cypriots. The leader of this campaign was Archbishop Makarios who was deported to the Seychelle islands in 1955. He returned to the island four years later and was elected as president. Soon after this the two sides were able to agree on a new constitution.
There was a treaty of Guarantee which entitled all three nations, Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom, the right to intervene if necessary. By nature of its position the island is important strategically and so the United Kingdom retains sovereignty over two military bases there. In 1963 President Makarios proposed constitutional changes which would have abrogated the power sharing agreement then in place. Violence flared between the two groups and the Turks withdrew into enclaves in the north in 1964 when a United Nations peace keeping force was set up.
According to a report by Ata Atun at that time there were about 18% of villages where the population was mixed, but even so cross cultural marriages were more or less unknown as were business partnerships that crossed the cultural divide even though, in many cases, people lived at very close quarters with those of the other side. There were however trade unions, though even these would be disrupted by disputes. As well as the mixed villages there were also 392 purely Greek villages and some 123 where only Turkish Cypriots lived, although often these single race villages would be cheek by jowl with each other.
Ten years later in 1974 the junta in Athens backed a coup against President Makarios. This led within days to troops from Turkey landing in the north and many Greek Cypriots being forced to flee out of the Turkish occupied areas and the president was forced into temporary exile. The President of the House of Representatives, Glafcos Clerides acted as president until Archbishop Makarios was able to return late in 1974. In 1975 the Turkish Cypriots established an independent administration, with Rauf Denktash as its president. Denktash and Clerides were able to agree on an exchange of population.
The Archbishop died in 1977 and was succeeded by Kypros Spirianou. In 1980 a prolonged series of peace talks were instigated by the United Nations. Eventually Denktash brings the talks to a halt three years later and declares the northern part of the island to be the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. This is only recognized by the Turks. There flowed several years of talks between the two sides which would collapse from time to time. By 1996 there were frequent violent incidents along the buffer zone between the two states. Despite this in 1998 the European Union accepted Cyprus as a possible future member.
Glafcos Clerides was president by this time and he declared that he would install Russian made anti-aircraft missiles on the island. Turkey was provoked by this threat into threatening further military action. Once again United Nation peacekeepers were needed to patrol the buffer zone. In 1991 there were protests because the United Kingdom wanted to install tall communication masts on its bases. These were perceived as possibly injurious to health. The protests were so violent that many police officers were injured in the clashes.
In the same year Turkey stated that it might annex the north if the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU, because if this came before any reunification settlement it would violate the treaty signed in 1960 but the two leaders were once again in negotiation. In November 2002 the then Secretary General of the United Nations Kofi Annan presented a plan for a federated Cyprus with two constituent parts , these being presided over by a rotating presidency. The article by Ioannis Ioannou of 2004 notes the similarities of this situation and the Annan plan of 2004 to the situation in 1964.
The latter plan was also rejected but the basis of it eventually came to pass. He writes:- Once again, our side is rejecting the plan, but the consequences of this action in the long term are not at all visible right. A cause for hope came early in 2002, when then President Glafcos Clerides agreed to travel to Turkish occupied territory in order to dine with Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash, the first time since partition that such a move had been made according to a report from the BBC news service in February 2003 ‘What is the current state of the peace process?
The whole island became part of the European Union in May 2004, although it must be said that the EU acquis , that is the body of common rights and obligations applies at present only to the areas under direct official government administration, that is it does not apply and in the regions to the north which are administered unofficially, except in Turkey, by the Turkish Cypriots.
Despite this any Turkish Cypriots who are able to show that they qualify for citizenship within the Republic of Cyprus receive legally all the rights available to any other individuals within European Union states according to the World Fact Book, Cyprus web page. A new Cypriot president was elected in 2008 and this served as needed opportunity for the United Nations to encourage the Turkish and Greek Cypriots to reopen once more the unification negotiations.
In September of that year the leaders of both the Greek and Turkish communities on the island talks under the auspices of the United Nations aiming at a final reuniting of the divided island. Archbishop Makarios When the United Kingdom allowed Cyprus to become an independent nation in 1959 Archbishop Makarios III became the first president of the newly independent people. He served three terms between 1959 and 1977, surviving four assassination attempts and in 1974 coming through the coup intact .
He had become archbishop in 1950 and was seen as an obvious leader of Greek Cypriots in their desire for union with Greece. The British sent him into exile in 1956, claiming that he was encouraging terrorism by the British in 1956 on charges of encouraging terrorism. By 1958 he was pressing for a split with Britain rather than union with Greece and when independence finally came he was overwhelmingly elected as president.
He thereafter is described on the web page Archbishop Makarios, as pursuing a neutralist policy and seeking a peaceful solution for the troubled Greek and Turkish communities. It is worth noting that the article on Makarios comes with a web address that begins ‘A history of Greece’ His techniques and policies were not always appreciated however by the military junta then in charge in Athens.
He was urged by them to promote ever greater Hellenic influence in the country’s affairs. Within Cyprus itself the Orthodox church wanted him to resign if he failed to bring this about. General George Grivas, leader of the Enosis movement tried to overthrown the archbishop. At one point in July 1974 he was declared dead, but soon afterwards he could be heard on the radio entreating the people to resist those taking part in the coup.
Turkey responded by sending troops to the island – an “invasion” according to the Greeks, while Turks at the time described the venture as a “peacekeeping operation” Turkey took charge of about one third of the island, the Athenian junta fell and Makarios was president once more. The writer of the History of Greece web page ‘Archbishop Makarios, said of him:- ‘Regardless of what people thought of him, Makarios’ leadership created an identity for Cypriots that went beyond being Greek or Turkish. ’ which is surely the important point.
Despite this he was distrusted by America, because he supposedly was sympathetic to Moscow according to an article by Ioannis Ioannou from May 2004, American Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, even giving him the tag of ‘the Castro of the Mediterranean’ according to a 2004 article by Christos Katsetos, ‘Castro of the Mediterranean ’. Georges Grivas Georges Grivas was a Cypriot born Greek army colonel. He was also known as Digenis, a name he adopted within EOKA. During the occupation of Greece, by the Bulgarians, Germans and Italians in World War II, Grivas created Organization X.
which he described as a resistance organization, but its main aim seems to have been to fight Communism. Grivas tried to collaborate with the Nazis against Communist groups such as EAM ( The National Liberation Front) and ELAS, ( The Greek People’s Liberation Army) but the Nazis would not provide arms and he obtained these from the British. The group was neither large , nor influential until after the Greek Civil War, between Communists and Royalists in 1944. In 1950 he returned to the island of his birth as leader of EOKA ( The National Organization of Cypriot Fighters.
), a group determined to force Britain to allow Cyprus to be united with Greece. When the island did become self governing in 1960 part of the agreement arrived at was that George Grivas would leave the island according to his web page biography However by 1963 he had succeeded in returning after putting considerable pressure on both Cypriot president Makarios and the Greek government, even allowing him to take up the post of Supreme Military Commander on the island. As such in August 1964 he attacked Turkish forces, the TMT.
This attack led to a collapse in the negotiations going on between Americans, Greeks and Turks who had been trying to put together a plan put forward by Dean Acheson, former American Secretary of State under President Truman in the1950’s. The plan had involved the establishment of a Turkish military base in the north of the island, a plan that, though rejected at the time, came into force 10 years later in 1974. Cyprus would contain both Turkish and British military bases. Makarios noted that there would more than 1000 UN Forces, the British Bases the 40000 plus Turkish Troops as well as the National Guard and finally ELDYK, i.
e. Greek forces, which seems a huge total for a relatively small island, however strategically important. Literature Review Cypriot Crisis 1967 on the Wars of the World web page , December 2000 The Cypriot crisis is usually considered to date from 1974, but this article looks at the events that led up to it in the previous decade. In 1967 Turkey seemed to be putting pressure on the Greek inhabitants and so Georgios Grivas, leader of the Greek Cypriot forces, sent members of the National Guard into the Turkish areas.
These Guards surrounded two villages, Ayios Theodhoros and Kophinou, which are found about twenty-five kilometers to the southwest of Larnaca. Then heavily armed patrols entered the villages and fighting broke out which resulted in the death of 26 Turkish Cypriots before the patrol eventually withdrew from the immediate area. Turkey, not surprisingly, issued an ultimatum stating that they were willing and able to intervene in force in order to protect Turkish Cypriots.
They also massed troops along the Thracian border which separates separating Greece and Turkey, and also began collecting together an amphibious invasion force. The ultimatum’s conditions were several – the expulsion of Georgios Grivas from the island together with the removal of all Greek troops from Cyprus. They demanded compensation for the casualties at Ayios Theodhoros and Kophinou, a bringing to an end what seemed to them unfair pressure on the Turkish Cypriot community and finally the disbanding of the Cypriot National Guard.
Grivas was expelled to mainland Greece, but returned secretly. However he died while still in hiding. Despite the resignation of Grivas the Turks did not fall back form their threatening position, President Lyndon Johnson of the United States of America sent Cyrus Vance as special envoy to Turkey, Greece, and Cyprus. He arrived in Ankara in late November 1967 and began ten days of negotiations with all concerned that defused the immediate situation.
Greece agreed that it would withdraw its military personnel from Cyprus except for those allowed by earlier treaties, provided that Turkey acted in a similar way. Turkey agreed to this, and the crisis passed for the time being. During the months of December 1967 and early January 1968, some 10,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Archbishop Makarios did not disband the National Guard however. He would have been wiser to have done so as in 1974 it was they, urged on by the Athenian junta, who rebelled against him.
The article goes on to describe how in December 1967 Turkish Cypriot leaders announced the provision of “transitional administration” which would govern the Turkish Cypriot community’s affairs “until such time as the provisions of the Constitution of 1960 have been fully implemented. ” ‘Basic Principles’ were formulated i. e. 19 governing articles. Although it was run in a similar way to a cabinet the new administration did not call itself a government, as this would have been unconstitutional. Despite this Greek Cypriots saw it as the precursor to proposed partition.
The actions were also criticized by U. Thant, the then Secretary General of the United Nations. Time US carried a report in July 1974 entitled ‘Big troubles over a small island’. This report, which runs to 8 pages, begins by describing the Turkish invasion, when troops landed to welcoming crowds in the Turkish sector of the island’s capital Nicosia. The writer has gone to great trouble to produce as objective a report as possible by including both facts and comments from both sides of the divide as well as those from other interested parties.
They quote ( page 1) a paratrooper, a member of the Turkish military ‘We are just here to look after the welfare of the Turkish community. ’ The reporter himself comments, ( page 3) ‘Strangest and saddest of all was that the first battle between Greeks and Turks in seven years had been touched off by bitter animosity between Greek and Greek. ’ He places the root of the war as an enmity which had built up between Cypriot President Makarios and Greek Brigadier General Dimitrios Ioannides. Makarios felt that General Ioannides had sought to turn his own people against him.
The violently anti-Communist Athens government was suspicious of the way in which the archbishop dealt with Moscow as well the support he received from the Cypriot Communist Party, a 40,000 member group. The Athenian military junta worried that he would open Cypriot ports to the Soviet navy and this had resulted ultimately in the coup which overthrew him. The President had been only to aware of the threat to his personal safety of which he claimed to have proof and had spoken in a sermon only a few days before the coup of ‘ the invisible hand that is threatening the liberty of Cyprus and menacing my life.
’ The first Turkish paratroopers had landed just after 6 am. By noon they had been reinforced by large numbers of naval personnel and Turkish ships hovered outside Kyrenia harbor on the northern coast, while infantrymen were helicoptered on shore and frogmen swam to land and in one day 6,000 Turkish military personnel had landed and this number would be reinforced in the next few days by both personnel and equipment, including tanks, all backed up by the Turkish air force who attacked strategically important points such as bridges and police stations.
A flotilla of Greek ships tried to make a landing near Paphos, the birth place of Makarios and a place where loyalty to the Archbishop was at its highest. Their attempt failed due to Turkish opposition, but some 6,000 tourists were caught up between the two sides and had to be evacuated under an escort of both U. N. and British troops, in a makeshift convoy of more than 500 private cars and trucks as well as armored cars. Some 4,400 foreign nationals from Nicosia were escorted to Dhekelia and the British base there.
Meanwhile in mainland Greece the already unpopular junta was seen by Greeks to have allowed Turkey to humiliate the Greek people. There were repercussions elsewhere. Syria put its army on full alert, while Egypt ordered its ships to stay in harbor. Regional controllers for airlines flying over the Mediterranean are based on Cyprus, so air travel was chaotic while the fighting went on. Only El Al continued to provide full services, but even they had to fly extra mile sin order to avoid the island.
Both tourists and business people throughout the near and middle east were stranded, just one example of the wider repercussions in the short term of this long term situation 5 days earlier President Makarios had been forced to flee. The report tells how he intended at first to escape into countryside around his home town of Paphos where he lived as a young shepherd. But then, “I decided I could serve my people better if I went abroad to rally international support against the Greek junta. ” He had escaped, though some 30 people had been killed and about 200 wounded in the battle before he did so.
He traveled in borrowed clothing to New York, with British aid. Once there he pleaded with United Nations Security Council, but before they could act or major powers intervened, the Turks made their astonishing invasion move. Both Greek and Turkish governments on the mainland, sworn enemies from ancient times, had in the months immediate prior to the coup seen a further downturn in their relationship because of a dispute over a large discovery of offshore oil in the Aegean Sea, The oil find was situated in an area where the sea areas of the two countries meet, and so causing arguments about ownership.
Turkey has indicated her willingness to enter into arbitration, but Greece had refused the offer. The two countries rushed army personnel towards their 90-mile mutual border, which runs along the River Evros. A general mobilization was ordered by both governments, creating a threat of mainland war. This could even have escalated into war between super powers as Moscow felt the need to alert its airborne divisions as a show of saber rattling and strength.
Both the Soviet Mediterranean fleet and the Sixth Fleet of the United States of America sent combat vessels enroute to the island. American Secretary of State at the time, Henry Kissinger denied however that any clash between super powers was likely and explained that such naval movements were normal, though in the United Nations, despite early opposition by the Soviet Union, The Security Council unanimously approved a call for both an immediate cease fire and negotiations, a call Turkey chose to ignore.
The two sides were both NATO members, but NATO intervention as a mediation body proved to be ineffective. Britain, which along with Greece and Turkey, was a guarantor of the island’s sovereignty under the Zurich treaty of 1960, and so acted as an intercessor. On its part America sent its Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Joseph J. Sisco. His chances of producing a successful solution were slim, however, because America remained apparently undecided as to its diplomatic and political position in the crisis as it involved, not one but two of its allies.
The 2,188 strong United Nations, peace keeping force, stationed there since 1964, found that a cease-fire was impossible to fully implement because not only were the newly landed Turkish forces fighting Cypriots who were loyal to Greece, but also both Greek and Turkish Cypriots were taking advantage of the upheaval the invasion had caused as an excuse to restart fighting each other.
The newly appointed Greek Cypriot leader, often described as a terrorist, Nikos Sampson, made a television appearance in order to declare his pride in the fighting spirit of Cypriot soldiers. He is quoted as yelling, “The Turkish enemy must be driven into the sea! ” Sampson, previously editor