In his empirical study Imai (1996) examined other significant internal factors promoting democratic changes. He demonstrated that industrial production and GDP per capita have gradual lasting influence on their implementation (p. 8). It seems logical as economists argue that with growing size of the developing nation’s market and expansion of its economy, democratization of the country is facilitated.
Consequently, as the purchasing capacity of the most population measured by GDP per capita raises, the economic and political liberalization within the developing country is promoted, thus contributing further to the democratization (Armijo, 2005, p.
2019). Imai (1996) also emphasizes that the larger is the size of the developing nation’s home market, and the more amounts of foreign direct investment the nation draws, the deeper democratic changes it will have to implement together with liberalization of its economy (p.
11). At the same time, increased purchasing capacity of domestic consumers fosters expansion of private entrepreneurship which, for its part, promotes political liberalization, in the long run decreasing the state’s capability to strongly control civil liberties of its citizens (Arblaster, 1999, p.
40). So, as we discussed above, citizens of more economically advanced developing countries enjoy more civil liberties, and what is important to note here, such countries usually demonstrate the trend of growing urban population.
At the same time, Imai (1996) proves that number of urban population is one of indicators of the internationalization of national economy, which contributes to democracy facilitation too, and more urbanized developing countries demonstrate more efforts toward democratization (p. 10). These trends evidently show that creation of wealthy stable society in developing countries is one of vital preconditions of democratization. The proper concept of democratization is closely connected with the notion of civil society as democracy constitutes a form of its existence.
Formation of constitutional state and real democracy is impossible without civil society’s coming-to-be (Penna, 1998, p. 116). Important aspect of civil society formation is attaining unity among the people. For example, experience of political history of many African states, as well as Yugoslavia of the first half of 1990s, demonstrates that deep disunity of the society on the ground of ethnical features and prevailing separatist trends among the majority of population even in the presence of democratic aspirations in the society may not only become the hindrance to democratization process, but lead to opposite results (Penna, 1998, p.118).
A few decades ago scholars entered a new notion into circulation – that of ‘consolidation of democracy’ – which implies irreversibility of established political structures where certainty of the procedures leads to limitation of ‘uncertainty of outcomes’, that is undemocratic outcomes are practically impossible (Randall & Svasand, 2001, p. 78). This notion supposes that further democratization of the world is being considered as inevitable, and it is just an issue of time.
But the way to this achievement appear to be not easy one. As our study demonstrate, outcome depends on the results of economic reforms which associate with democratization of political regime in minds of major part of population, although direct interrelation of economic and political transformations is not mandatory. That is why incapability of young democracies to satisfy economic interests of poor strata of population often makes a threat for entire democratization process (Petras & Veltmeyer, 2001, p. 52).