Indigenous Peoples and Tourism Essay
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Theobald (1994) suggested that “etymologically, the word tour is derived from the Latin, ‘tornare’ and the Greek, ‘tornos’, meaning ‘a lathe or circle; the movement around a central point or axis’. This meaning changed in modern english to represent ‘one’s turn’. The suffix –ism is defined as ‘an action or process; typical behavior or quality’, while the suffix, –ist denotes ‘one that performs a given action’. When the word tour and the suffixes–ism and –ist are combined, they suggest the action of movement around a circle.
One can argue that a circle represents a starting point, which ultimately returns back to its beginning.
Therefore, like a circle, a tour represents a journey in that it is a round-trip, an activities of persons traveling to and staying in places outside their usual environment for not more than one consecutive year for leisure, business or other purposes. In 1941, Hunziker and Krapf defined tourism as people who travel “the sum of the phenomena and relationships arising from the travel and stay of non-residents, insofar as they do not lead to permanent residence and are not connected with any earning activity.
“y these definitions, the tourism industry is inevitable since travelling is always a part of a person’s everyday life.
Tourism can be seen as major consideration for both developed and developing countries in terms of adding up value to their potential tourism assets. Today, variety of tourism activities has evolved and is continually practice worldwide. There are also different themes or purposes why people travel from their country origin to their preferred destinations, these are visiting friends and relatives tourism, medical, health and retirement tourism, nature and adventure tourism, nautical or cruise tourism, sun and beach tourism, MICE, Leisure and Entertainment and Shopping Tourism, educational tourism, and lastly, cultural or indigenous tourism.
The Indigenous Tourism This kind of tourism has a variety of components and relationships. And each indigenous tourism experience is unique in terms of time, space and participants. In 1966, a frameworks was been presented by Hinch and Butler, which highlights some of the key components of indigenous tourism. However, it was of limited value terms of identifying relationships between these components. The tourism system was been influenced by a variety of sources such as the basic geographic dimension of Leiper’s tourism system (1990), and the important role of the media which was highlighted by Ryan and Trauer, (2005).
One of the distinguishing figures of an indigenous tourism system in general is the emphasis on the culture. In the indigenous tourism, where cultural overlay can be found, is much more encompassing compared to the tangible manifestation in a culturally based attraction. Basic values and principles, which were infused in the way an enterprise is operated, also reflect. The final component of this tourism system is the broader environmental context. This component also reflects the reality that tourism is not a closed system.
But the main intent of the host (indigenous people), is to have income using the destination and also to export positive images of the destination and themselves. Economic Environment The strong performance of the economic aspects will result in higher levels of discretionary spending for travel and more trips, especially if it’s done in tourist market areas. On the other hand, the weak performance of the economic aspects often results in tourism actively supported as an alternative to struggling primary or secondary industries.
Oftentimes, communal approach is a successful liaison with traditional indigenous communities but being questioned in places like Australia by Schmiechena and Boyle, Editor’s Note. Private entrepreneurial approaches are being pursued in indigenous communities (Wuttunee, 1992; Altman and Finlayson, 1993). The growing corporatization of the global economy may reflect in such trends in combination with evolving generational differences and changing socio-political structures and programs that can be seen in indigenous communities. Social Environment.
One of the shared features of indigenous people is the “cultural poverty” in which they live (Frideres, 1988). Poverty means there is an insufficiency in participating effectively in society, not having enough to feed and clothe a family, neither a clinic nor a school to go to, or even own a land or a job to earn one’s living, and not having access to credit. It is not very surprising that the constraints and results of the development goals of indigenous people often vary from the goals of non-indigenous communities. Political Environment.
Despite the substantial constraints that the indigenous people face, they become increasingly aware and active, as well as informed of their legal and political rights and have increasingly exercised them. There has been a major increase in land claim settlements which resulted in financial gain and increased resource management roles (Hinch, 2001). The internal politics of indigenous groups has political differences as one of the significant aspects which is not surprising that it is very rare to hear a unified voice speaking on their behalf.
In Indigenous communities, there are two levels of governance, one imposed by the dominant culture and one embedded in the traditional practices of the community. Also, the reality of dual governing structures; one of them is an elected body while the other looks to the traditional guidance of elders, whose gonna be taking account valued communal and kinship bonds, build and process consensus in the community. And there are two levels of governance in indigenous communities: first is imposed by the dominant culture and secondly, embedded in the community’s traditional practice.
Natural Environment The widespread destruction of natural areas throughout the world, actually increases the value of most traditional indigenous lands (Stevens, 1997). Most of the traditional indigenous lands has been lost due to expropriation and been the cause for the displacement of the indigenous people to peripheral places. The traditional relationship of the indigenous people to their homeland compared to non-indigenous people to their own land is also distinct (Notzke, 2006).
Because most of the indigenous people believes that they are unconditionally conjugated or inseparable with the nature, unlike with the non-indigenous people who tend to see the land as a resource for human pleasure (Gary, 1991; Hollinshead, 1992). Given the importance of the environment to the indigenous people, any changes in the environment, have significance on the practice of the indigenous tourism (Gardner and Nelson, 1988). Host- Guest Relationshop and the Socio-Cultural Impacts of tourism It’s been the subject of much debate and research in a variety of disciplines such as anthropology and ethnography, as well as tourism studies.
Disassociating the impacts of tourism from the boarder context of social and cultural development, is difficult in many ways. Most of the models cited with impact analysis are considered as less useful as tourists proliferate and destinations diversify. Two best-known models perhaps were (Butler’s Lifecycle Model, 1980 and Doxey’s Irridex, 1975). These models allow us to visualize the progression (more often, regression) of many global destinations, though they are by no means universal.
In the past few years, the regeneration or rejuvenation of destination has become a more widespread phenomenon. Many products have been upgraded; some were diversified into new forms of tourism, and are targeting higher spending visitors. Though it is uncommon for tourist to be confined to “enclaves’ where contact with local residents is minimal. This kind of relationship allows for little spontaneity, but worth questioning how far host-guest relations have ever been truly authentic given the contrived nature and typically short duration of the average holiday.
Acculturation, Cultural Drift and the Commodificaiton of Culture The fact of tourism is inevitable that the cultural changes primarily seen to the traditions of indigenous society, customs and values rather than to those of the tourist. Although tourism in some destinations, may be intermittent and seasonal. The level of visitation is constant and can have considerable impact on the social and cultural fabric of the host society. Instead of acculturation, cultural drift take place and is a kind of cultural change that appear within the society.
(Mathieson and Wall 1992), states that cultural drift is a phenotypic change to the behavior of the host which take place only when they are in contact with tourists, but when tourists leave, it can go back to normal. The Genotypic behavior is a more permanent phenomenon where cultural changes are handed down from one generation to another. The fears of the culture and identity of the host can be assimilated into more dominant or persuasive culture of the tourist. Homogenization of culture is often exacerbated by tourist whose behaviors are sometimes adapted by local residents.
This may simply mean to local people, that they are obliged to learn the language of the tourist in order to communicate well, but can also mean the consumption of non-local food or drink, the wearing of non-traditional fashions, and the desire to indulge in the same forms of entertainment as tourists. The majority of tourists tend to crave Western-style amenities. Not only this create economic leakages, but it also threatens the production of local goods, especially if local people develops and prefer Western-style products as well.
Authenticity also becomes a key issue esp. when performing rituals in isolation from their traditional context. Staged authenticity in the form of displaced ceremonies, activities and events has become widespread. Although it is somehow important, the authenticity of tourist experience, it is more crucial to ensure that local communities with their role as performers and entertainers must feel comfortable in any ways. And of course, it should be understood as well that some religious or spiritual cultural practices, for tourists gaze, might not be appropriate spectacles.
Measuring the socio-cultural impacts of tourism Culture is dynamic and it changes from time to time irrespective of human development: First, distinguishing the impacts of tourism from those of other social or economic developments is difficult. Second, in measuring socio-cultural impacts, only few reliable tools exist, and assessment is oftentimes used to gather quantifiable data. Cooper and et al (1998) suggests to use a number of techniques in measuring sociocultural impacts of tourism, but usually filtering other influences is impossible.
The following list suggests some of the indicators that can used to identify socio-cultural impacts: • Ratio of tourist to locals • Nature of interaction between hosts and guests • Local perceptions of tourism • Concentration of tourism in certain locations • Degree of usage of local products and facilities • Extent and nature of local employment • Degree of commercialization of local culture • Changes in family relationships and the role of women • Demonstration effects • Increased social problems (e. g. drug usage, alcohol abuse, gambling, prostitution).
• Rises in crimes Cultural Tourism as a positive development option Cultural tourism can often provide an attractive socio-economic development option for many societies. It can also raise the profile of a destination, attracting the interest of both investors and visitors. There are a number of benefits derived from tourism and have been well documented in tourism literature and may include the creation of employment, the receipt of foreign exchange, the expansion of other economic sectors, and infrastructural developments.
Some are intangible benefits including the renewal of cultural pride, revitalization of customs and traditions, and opportunities for cross-cultural exchange and integration. One of the major problems with tourism development is the government of those countries, who perceives tourism as a “quick fix” solution to the economic problems.
As suggested by Lanfant and et al. (1995), it is often perceived as the last chance for countries to propel themselves on to the world of stage and to compete in the global arena. International and non-local investment becomes an attractive prospect, esp. in poverty-stricken countries where there are many local entrepreneurs who are able to afford the inflated land and property prices.
However, restriction of the government in the extent of outside investment is needed, as this might lead inevitably to ownership and management of facilities and services o f the non-locals and high economic leakages. Another economic difficulty is for the destinations or countries who were not able to meet demands of their tourism industry with their own local products.
Other economic sectors such as fishing or agriculture can be strengthened; supply is unlikely to meet demand if tourism increases rapidly. In cases of small island economies, it might be possible to strengthen inter-island linkages, but there is still the need to import goods and still experience the inevitable economic leakages. Although most tourists do shop and buy local handcrafted goods, it is still difficult to insist the consumption of local cuisine. The need for local and tourist education is being recognized. Tour operators, airlines and Western tourism agencies were encouraged to provide info and codes of conduct for visitors.
Codes of conduct may be necessary in areas where the environment of local culture is fragile or sensitive. The final point is the marketing of the destination. Most destination practice selective marketing to ensure that tourism development remains small-scale and appropriate. However, this is a delicate balance since many of the tourists may not be the most cultural sensitive. There are certain forms of tourism that are being developed in accordance with these changing trends, which are more environmentally friendly and culturally sensitive. Indigenous Cultural Tourism.
According to Smith (2003), The Indigenous Cultural Tourism is used as an overarching terms for together ethnic and tribal tourism, and any form of tourism that involves contact with the indigenous people and their culture. They usually involve visiting native and indigenous people, such as tribal groups or ethnic minorities. An area that is designated cultural landscape, national park, a jungle, a dessert or a mountainous region. Foreign Studies Tourism Industry Tourism is seen as a labor intensive, seven-day-a-week industry, growing at a rate faster than any sector.
It is widely accepted that tourism is gaining more and more importance with the end of 20 th century and especially with the beginning of 21 st century regarding to the changing trends. In the study “Developing Alternative Modes of Tourism” (Berne Tuzcan, 2007), World Tourism Organization has taken the concept of tourism beyond holiday-making and officially defined it as follows: “Tourism comprises the activities carried out by people during their holidays and their visit to places different from their usual environment or residence, for a consecutive period of time less than a year, with leisure, business or other purposes.
” (McIntosh, Goeldner and Ritchie 1995:11). Accordingly “Tourism refers to all activities of visitors including both overnight visitors and same day visitors” (Lickorish and Jenkins, 1997: 36). Moreover, it may also be defined as “the sum of relationships arising from the interaction of tourists, business suppliers, host government, and host communities in the process of attracting and hosting these tourist and other visitors (McIntosh, Goeldner and Ritchie 1995: 9-10).
” On the other hand tourists can be defined as people who are visiting a particular place for sightseeing, visiting their friends and relatives, taking a vacation, and having a good time. Indigenous Tourism Indigenous tourism is a „special interest? tourism; its essential components are: first hand, authentic and usually intimate contact with Indigenous peoples whose ethnic and cultural backgrounds are different from those of tourists (Weiler and Harron 84). Indigenous tourism affairs are location-specific, or rather, culture-specific; the history has shown that various Indigenous groups have reacted to tourism in various ways.
The approaches of Indigenous communities towards tourism are influenced by a number of factors such as: former experiences with Western world, size of Indigenous population, sedentary or mobile lifestyle, diversity of Indigenous languages in an area, etc. ( Martina Horakova, 2003) Naturally, the overall analysis of Indigenous tourism would require a holistic approach; all the aspects of life in Indigenous communities are influenced by tourism and are interwoven: economic and educational issues, marketing and preservation, land ownership and traditional lifestyles.
Indigenous People Indigenous communities are very diverse and specific. No matter where they live, groups from various parts of the world or clans occupying two neighboring regions, all of them are unique and their distinctiveness should be recognized and respected. Thus, to generalize insensitively and refer to all Indigenous peoples as a homogeneous group would be an immense mistake. In Australia, there are more than 700 different nations (Nielsen 213) and as quoted in the said study, “different groups are responding to tourism in different ways”.
In the thesis entitled “Tourism and its Impact on Traditional Culture: A case study of Sirubari village, Nepal” by Tilak Prasad Kandel (2011) discussed the boom of tourism on indigenous people in the village tourism being practiced by the Gurung people in the Sirubari village of Syangja. For several decades now, this study recognizes the tourism industry as major source of revenue for countries, especially in the Third World. For ethnic tribes such as the Gurung people, Tourism is like a gift. They were given opportunities for employment other than hunting and fishing.
Their children was given the benefits for education and they were informed of what it is like outside of their community as they interact with tourists who visited their place. They were proud of their culture but did not deny the fact, that they have the rights for changes and development if choose to. Another study, “The Impacts of Ethnic Tourism on Hill Tribes in Thailand” (Kayoko Ishii, 2011) stated the economic bene? ts of ethnic tourism for tribal households that affect the division of labor and gender dynamics in the local minority community engaged in the tourism industry.
Furthermore, “Indigenous Tourism in Australia” (Martina Horakova, 2003) deals in analyzing both the positive and negative impacts of tourism in Aboriginal communities in Australia. The thesis shows that no one could really conclude that the overall effect of indigenous tourism on Aboriginal communities is either bad or good. This thesis intends to present that even though there are negative impacts, the positive ones could actually eliminate those and that indigenous tourism could give Aboriginal peoples the opportunity to re-create and state their identities through the interaction and exposure to tourists.
The communication between tourists and Aboriginal peoples is productive in many aspects. It provides tourists with information that cannot be obtained elsewhere, and it helps to restore Aboriginal peoples? self-esteem and pride in their cultural heritage. Consequently, they are more willing to share their knowledge with the outer world. And, by telling their stories, they contribute greatly to the reconciliation. Thus, it could be concluded that Indigenous tourism becomes “reconciliation tourism” (Higgins-Desbiolles 223), when operated sensitively and carefully.
Local Literature The Philippine Tourism According to Etravel Philippines (2000), The Philippines, Pearl of the Orient Seas, is very rich in natural resources. Filipinos are by nature creative and intelligent. The richness of the environment is an advantage for their livelihood. Around 15 million hectares, or almost half of the Philippines’ total land area, are classified as timberland. Most of the land here was densely forested before the 1900s. However, the following century saw the loss of half of Philippine forests.
Statistics show that deforestation claimed 204,000 hectares per year from 1950 to 1978. From 1989 to 1995, only 116,332 hectares were vanishing annually. Environmentalist groups are trying to protect Philippine forests, but a lot needs to be done in the campaign for reforestation as well as the fight against illegal logging. Philippine forests produce timber for local consumption and for export. Hardwood products coming from these timbers are globally known for their distinct appearance and high quality, which makes them appropriate as home furnishings.
Wooden furniture, such as tables and chairs, are usually made of hardwood, popularly known as narra. Most Philippine forests are of the tropical rainforest type. Besides extensive reserves of tropical evergreen hardwoods, the country also has considerable areas of pine in the mountainous regions of Northern Luzon. With a coastal ecosystem stretching almost 20,000 km, the Philippines is likely to become one of the earliest victims of rising ocean temperatures and levels. Centuries-old coral reefs are dying almost overnight, and the destruction is being witnessed not only by divers in remote spots.
Regional marine science studies estimated in the middle of 1999 that the Philippines’ magnificent underwater world would be gone by around 2100. Reports say that increased sea temperatures were causing “mass coral bleaching events” in the world’s best coral reefs. Something has to be done to reduce global warming caused by the burning of oil, coal, and gas. The Philippines has extensive but small river systems and streams, which are mostly depicted by the mountain ranges.
The fluvial system of Luzon is made up of (1) Rio Grande de Cagayan and its tributaries (a stream that flows into a larger body of water), which drain the Cagayan Valley; (2) the Agno Grande which drains Benguet and the valleys of Nueva Ecija, Pangasinan and Tarlac; (3) the Abra River system, which receives its tributaries from the Cordillera and drains Lepanto, Bontoc, and the Abra; and (4) the Rio Grande de Pampanga and its tributaries, which drain the fertile valfeys of Nueva Ecija, Pampanga, and Bulacan.
Schoolmeester (2004), expound that most of the islands in the Philippines are very small. Many of these small islands as well as the bigger islands, have a lot to offer to tourists. There are many possibilities for typical “sun, sea and beach holidays” and for specific adventure holidays. You can even meet the whale sharks and swim close to them. For tourists who want to discover geographically interesting landscapes or who want to meet mountain tribes, the Philippines has it all!
As an archipelagic island, the Philippines offers countless attractions to see, such as the famous white sand beaches of Boracay, big shopping centers of Metro Manila, rice terraces of Ifugao, diving sites of Palawan, lush forests of Bohol, heritage houses in Vigan, and the cultural attractions of Manila. Metro Manila, the national capital region of the country, is known for being one of the best shopping destinations in Asia; its wide collection of shopping centers offer a range of local and international shops.
Numerous shopping malls can be found around the metropolis, especially in the business and financial districts of Ortigas Center and Bonifacio Global City, while high-end shopping centers are mostly located at the Ayala Center in Makati. Despite the rise of modern shopping centers, traditional Filipino shopping areas still remain around the metropolis. Located just approximately 315 km (196 mi) south of Manila is Boracay; it is known for its white sand beaches and has been a favorite island destination for local and foreign visitors.
In 2012, Boracay received the best island award from the international travel magazine Travel + Leisure. Boracay was also named as the second best beach in the world. Aside from its white sand beaches, Boracay is also known for being a popular destination for relaxation, tranquility and for an exciting nightlife (Malig, 2012). Mindanao, the southernmost island of the Philippines is home to the country’s tallest mountain, Mount Apo. The mountain features a wide range of flora and fauna and is home to over 272 bird species, 111 of which are endemic to the area.
Mount Apo is also home to the country’s national bird, the Philippine Eagle. Mount Apo is a popular destination for hiking and mountain activities. The Indigenous People in the Philippines Jocano (1998) said that the earliest known attempt of classifying Filipinos into specific racial groupings were based mainly on anthropometric measurements and ocular inspections of skeletal remains as well as the physical appearances of living populations.
The inhabitants of the country could be divided into: (1) Negritos – the small, dark-skinned group, which included the Negrito of Bataan, Ata of Luzon, and Mamanwa of Mindanao; (2) Malays – the brown-skinned group, which included the inhabitants of Bicol, Bisayas, and southern Luzon (Montano suspected the Malays to have Chinese, Indonesian, and Arabic blood);
(3) Indonesian group – the group similar to the Malays in complexion, which included the Samal, Bagobo, Guianga, Ata, Tagakaolo, Tagbanua, Manubo, Mandaya, and Bilaan. Group 2 and 3 were said to have reached the Philippines in two waves of migration. The Indonesians were the first to come, followed by the Malays. The Aetas in the Philippines Of the scores of indigenous communities that comprise roughly 14 per cent of the Filipino people, the Agta are unquestionably the most widely distributed geographically.
Popularly regarded as aboriginal, they are variously known as Mamanua in Surigao, Ata Manobo in Davao, Ati in Panay, Ata and Ati in Negros, Batak in North Central Palawan, Ayta and Ita in Central Luzon, Ata in Western Cagayan, and Agta or Aggay along the Sierra Madre Mountain Range facing the Pacific Ocean or more accurately the Philippine Sea from Palaui Island off San Vicente in Santa Ana, Cagayan south or northern Isabela Province. Farther south of the range, in Aurora and Quezon provinces, they are called Dumagat (Galang, 2006). The Aeta live in the northern part of the Philippines on the island of Luzon.
Historians and Anthropologists debate precisely when and how they migrated here, the consensus being that they crossed from the island of Borneo between 20 and 30 thousand years ago, using a land bridge that was partially covered by water around 5,000 years ago – the remaining part of which is now part of Palawan. Whatever the migration path was, they are without doubt among the first – if not the first – inhabitants of the Philippines. One area of that country where the Aetas had lived for thousands of years was Mount Pinatubo (Waddington, 2002). Aetas are known to be one of the descendants of the original inhabitants of the Philippines.
They previously occupied the outlying areas near the coastline and riverbeds, but were forced to resettle in the mountains by the coming of the migrants. Belonging to the ethnic group, Negrito, these mountain dwellers are classified and identified as Aytas or Aetas — small stature, kinky hair, dark brown skin, and big brown eyes (Hiromu Shimizu, 1989). The small body of Aetas is nicely proportioned of strong, hardy stock, muscular and able to endure hardship of their life, such as going with little food for several days; they also have high forehead, prominent cheek bones, flat nose, round black eyes and scanty beard.
They have highly trained and keen sense of hearing and sight since one of their sources of living is hunting. They also have bright, inquisitive minds and an extensive knowledge of woodcraft but they lack of abstract ideas and can hardly count beyond 4 or 5. Though their happiness is like a child’s happiness, they smile and laugh even if they are worried; they are kind and peaceful little folks and very devoted to their relatives, friends and with high moral standard like honesty (Wilson, 1953) The Pinatubo Aytas (Aytas in Zambales).
Studies of cultural change following the occurrence of the natural hazards like volcanic eruptions usually focuses on the propensity of the stricken society to suffer from damage caused by an event, they stress the vulnerability or the condition of a society which makes it possible for a hazard to become a disaster (Canoon, 1994). According to Shimizu (1992), In the early years following the awakening of Mt. Pinatubo in 1991, there was a generalized fear that the eruption might turn into a cultural disaster for the Aeta ethnic minority of Central Luzon which was expected to be in a crisis of survival.
A decade after the disaster, a certain level of cultural change has indeed been observed in the indigenous society. prior to the eruption, the Aeta in Zambales occupied only the slopes of the Mt. Pinatubo and, in particular, the tablelands stretching from the volcano to the coast range between Botolan and San Marcelino. In April 2001, Banzon-Bautista with the initial signs of the restlessness of the volcano, almost all of the Aetas communities were immediately evacuated. However, an unknown number of Aetas refused to leave their homes and perished during the eruption.
According to oral accounts, a score of Aeta found shelter in caves that were eventually buried by pyroclastic flowers. According to Gaillard (2006), All the Aeta communities located on the upper flanks of Mt. Pinatubo prior to the eruption had to abandon their small villages which had been buried under these thick, hot pyroclastic and ash fall deposits, which prevent the immediate reoccupation of the settlements. Most of these Aeta have been relocated in the government resettlement sites, either on the lower slopes of the volcano or on the foothills.
Today, these resettlement sites are the largest Aeta settlements. All these settlements are nowadays concentrated on the lower flanks of Mt. Pinatubo in the immediate proximity of lowland villages and towns occupied by Kapampangan people, the dominant ethnic group of the Southwestern part of the Central Plain of Luzon. Henceforth, there are no Aeta communities left isolated on the upper flanks of Mt. Pinatubo. All have established regular contact with the lowlanders.
According to 1973 census, the Pinatubo Aytas covers almost majority of the 20,000 population of the Negrito groups. Pinatubo Aytas declined to accept and entertain the influence of the outside forces or the lowlanders and continually preserve their distinct culture and tradition until the Mount Pinatubo eruption in 1996 when they were forced to go down the plains and mountains and lived in the resettlement areas together with the lowlanders. These endanger their culture and tradition because they learned to adapt the ways of the lowlanders (Tubera, 2006).
In line with this, they no longer possess their original language instead they adopted the lowlanders’ language called Sambal Language, thus, the acceptance of the jurisdiction of the municipal government which opened them further to the culture of the lowlanders whom they called as bawbanowa (town people). They have not just acquired the Sambal Language but also their techniques and rituals in agriculture; and their concepts of spirits, curing rituals, and burial customs. However, the Aytas assimilated only those cultural elements suitable to their social reality.
This selective assimilation contributed to the stability and continuity of the Aytas’ culture. The feeling of antagonism towards the lowlanders made them preserve their own cultural heritage. Despite of being aware of the changing environment and society downhill they insisted to not to adopt and or develop a well integrated sociopolitical system beyond the family groupings and the village order. Hence, without the presence of the integrated system their history is not detailed, only those eve.