Undeniably, the factors that seemingly adhere onto the level of security of certain vicinities may be hard to simplify. Given the fact that individuals come in different ideals, beliefs and characteristics, the greed over power and sovereignty is implicitly the main reason why the issue on security and the plague on terrorism are undeniably swallowing the minds of the society (Laqueur, 1999). With such, it is an astounding standpoint that countries are now paying much attention on the ‘security’ of its people and the preparations onto competence in the arena of globalization (Buzan et al.
, 1997). As the Australian Securitisation Forum Inc. notes in their mission: “To shape the future of the Australian securitisation industry for the ongoing benefit of its members,” piously, if the mission be fulfilled in the most ideal sense as it had been established, the attainment of the goals and hopes of the nation and of the world will be at reach in the most unifying array. Our purpose is an examination of the second issue—the polity’s response to the government’s move to the provision of security.
Consequently, while passing reference may be made to causative factors (indeed, governmental response and the labeling of security may be viewed as causative) (Snyder, 1999), this work is most concerned with the manner in which conflict and consensus theories might interpret and predict governmental reactions to violence and other threats of the like. In essence, this horizon of defining the exactness of ‘security’ is still vague as of the time being because keeping up a nation under “maximum security” is vulnerable to jeopardizing consequences.
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