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Maori Culture Essay

Indigenous methodology
The importance of immersion in the tangata whenua language and cultural values – the way of expression of our respect. We have to treat each other as equal partners with mutual respect (Ki a koe tētehi kīwai, ki a au tētehi kīwai. For you one handle of the basket and for me the other.). The powhiri should be completed to enclose parties, but the affiliations of tangate ke remind temporary and artificial and it affects research outcomes. The commited stranger has reciprocal duty or obligation to those many tangata whenua who gave freely of their learning, Our work should enhance the oranga (well-being) of all. The subjects as Māori Studies are concerned to reintegrate past and present knowledges belonging to the people, in order to create a coherent and living whole, in place of colonialism’s alienation and fragmentation of knowledge.

Additionally aboriginal scientists are immersed in indigenous methodology and epistemology, to benefit local community ‘The route to Maoritanga through abstract interpretation is a dead end. The way can only lie through a passionate, subjective approach. … the so-called objectivity some insist on is simply a form of arid abstraction, a model or a map. It is not the same thing as the taste of reality’.[1] Life in all its daily complexity is converted into a neat and tidy explanation belonging ‘to an observer’s perceptions’ where they become ‘the currency of communication amongst the observers’.[2] As a result, the people frequently feel marginalized from such objectifying work; as if they have lost possession of the stories, songs or histories that belong to them.

Theory have to be informed by practice, by which I mean a commitment to the well-being of those being researched. Such personal engagement and experimentation is not always well received by non-Indigenous academics, especially those who control what is accepted for academic publication. Thaman recalls how one of her articles was rejected ‘because there was too much of me in it; it was too different, too personal, and too Tongan. ‘there can be no detachment of the knower from the known’, ‘knowledge is socially constructed by communities of knowledge-makers’ Konai Helu Thaman[3] describes dichotomy between western and indigenous model: your way / objective / analytic … / my way / subjective / gut-feeling … . Indigenous researchers use their social networks for scientific survey – the whanau is recognized as a supervisory and organizational structure for handling research

Myths and legends reflect themes commonly found in the stories of indigenous cultures, in the Maori cultural context are neither fables embodying primitive faith in the supernatural, nor marvellous fireside stories of ancient times. They were deliberate constructs employed by the ancient seers and sages to encapsulate and condense into easily assimilable forms their view of the world, of ultimate reality and the relationship between the Creator, the universe and man. There seems to be as many versions of the founding myths as there are Maori iwi (tribes) in New Zealand, which is not surprising in an oral tradition. Before Io[4] there was nothing, he was reigning in the loneliness of “the great void (emptiness)” – Te Korekore.

He fertilised with the seeds of all possible creatures belonging to the domains of light, sky, earth and oceans. They were named and they took shape (“In the beginning was the Word…”). Io created the first gods The sky (Rangi – father, masculine principle) and the earth (mother, femine principle, Papatūānuku) were clasped together and the world (between them) existed in total darkness. Their children[5] lived in this darkness, trapped between their parents. The separation of Rangi and Papatuanuku allowed light to enter the world which in turn led to the growth of all plants and animals. However, the separation was bitter, painful and precipitated by the children’s need to dominate their parents. The creation story tells of brothers, gods in their own right, who were restless and bored with being trapped in eternal darkness.

They explored options for gaining freedom including Tūmatauenga’s (god of man and war) plan that their parents should be killed in order to let light in. Finally, led by Tānemahuta (god of the forest, birds and animals – all beings, who cherish light and freedom), the parents were separated by his awesome strength, never to embrace again.Tawhiri Matea, who had not accepted separation, he started the war between the gods and great cataclysms. Rongo Marae Roa (the guardian of peace) alerted her brothers that they were terrifying the creatures of the earth who had no protection. Then the Tawhito had all the creatures chose a kaitiaki (protector) amongst them. Traditionally Māori acknowledge many gods (Atua) and guardians (Kaitiaki), both male and female, which are referred to the cultural stories. Gods such as Rongomatāne god of cultivated foods, Haumietiketike god of uncultivated foods, Rūaumoko god of earthquakes and volcanoes, Tāwhirimātea god of wind and storm and Tangaroa god of the sea are still commonly acknowledged in Māori karakia (prayer). Creation of the first human Hine Ahu One (“daughter of the dust”) was creaeted by Tane Nui a Rangi (the god of life) from the clay of the whenua – Papatuanuku. Tane brought her to life by breathing into her nostrils.

The hongi is a reminder of that event, they exchange their hau (breath of life) by breathing nose to nose. Hine Ti Tama was born from their union, and become the wife of Tane as humankind parents. Learning that her husband was also her father, Hine Ti Tama, in despair, changed her name to Hine Nui Te Po and became the goddess of the death so that she could accompany all her childrens across the threshold of the other realm (reality, field, kingdom). Each tribe, hapū (sub-tribe) and whānau (extended family) also has its own stories which describe and explain the significant characters and events in their history. These stories have been passed down through the generations as oral histories or through artwork such as carvings. Three baskets (keta) of knowledge (brought done from the heavens by Tane), three integrated and procesual relities: keta aronui, the experience of our senses; understanding of what lies behind (under) it – keta tuauri. We build up of “the real world of the complex series of rythmical patterns of energy which operate behind this world of sense perception” ; kete tuaatea contains the knowledge of spiritual realities and relations of our oneness with each other, with the past and gods, beyond space and time, the world we experiencing in ritual – realm of Io, infinte and eternal.

This is the eternal realm which was before Tua-Uri and towards which the universal process is tending. The worlds both of Tua-Uri an Aronui are part of the cosmic process. Fouth reality – the world of symbols, deliberate creation of human mind Te Aoteroa origin – The “Song of Waitaha”, tells how the gods had made a majestic waka with two hulls (the main vessel’s body): Aotea Mai Rangi and the other Aotea Roa. Each year, the Maori ancestors expected the coming of “the Waka of the Gods”. But it ceased to come back. They asked their wise ones to look for it “in the mist of the past”. They saw some angry stars gathering around the moon and giving birth to the “tides of chaos” [the Flood…]. The Waka of the Gods was surprised by the wild ocean and Aotea Mai Rangi was flooded by an immense wave, the commander of Aotea Roa was obliged to cut the bonds linking the two hulls so as not to sink both. Aotea Roa was blown south by the storm for thirteen days and thirteen nights.

When the waters calmed, the crew cried for its brothers and sisters who had drowned. Io heard them and to end their suffering he uttered a magic karakia that turned the waka and its crew into stones and it’s now the South Island (though the whole New Zealand is also called Aotea Roa). The mountains wear the names of the crew members who perished, and the rocks are the ancestors who bravely drove Aotea Roa before being petrified (skamieniały). Among the half-gods who are descended from the god Tane and the human Hine Ti Tama, Maui is one of the most important. He is known for slowing the course of the sun in the sky to lengthen the days, and also for giving fire to human beings after requesting it from the goddess Mahuika. But his major feat is having fished Whai Repo, the sacred sting ray (flat fish, płaszczka) of Tangaroa, and tied it to “the Waka of the Gods”.

This giant sting ray is the North Island of New Zealand. Great migration. Go, return on your canoes,To Great Hawaiiki, to Long Hawaiiki to Hawaiiki of the Great Distance,To the Gathering Place of the Spirits. They are children of moana, whenua and tupana and arrived from Hawaiiki, mythical homeland (most likely Ra’iatea or Tahiti) in three waves of migration. The first to discover Aotearoa was the ancient navigator Kupe from Ra’iatea who happened upon the islands accidentally, while in pursuit of a giant octopus. Then, eight generations later, Toi and his grandson Whatonga came from Tahiti to be the first settlers. But it is the third great migration which reverberates throughout Maori oral tradition – the arrival of a “great fleet” of seven canoes and some of the most illustrious Maori chiefs and most noble genealogies in Aotearoa. When the chiefs landed, they spread out across the two islands, carving out territories for themselves.

Eventually, their descendants organized themselves into loose associations of tribes named after the canoe, or waka, that their founding ancestor had arrived in. And although not all present day waka trace their origins to the original colonizers, the Maori have based their structure of socio-political organization upon the existence of this third migration. In a larger sense, the coming of the Maori is the story of the creation of a collective Maori identity. It is an essential part of what it is to be Maori. The first settlers of Polynesia colonised Tonga, from the west, about 1500 BC. Over the next 2000 years their descendents colonised the remainder of Polynesia, starting with Samoa, then moving on to the Marquesas (about 2000 years ago), Tahiti (1500 years ago) then on to Easter Island, Hawaii, New Zealand and the Chathams. They found New Zealand uninhabited but full of wonderful new food sources. Some of the features typical of this period are moa-hunting and sea-mammal hunting economy, supplemented by crops of root vegetables. Archaeology reveals that settlements were predominantly coastal, probably for the proximity to their major food source, the ocean.

As a result of population pressure about 500 – 800 years ago, settlements became more widespread and regional differences began to appear perhaps relating to the development of different tribal groups. The first real evidence of tribal warfare comes from this period with the appearance of various weapons and the construction of fortified pā sites (settlements).

In February of 1840, 512 Maori chiefs and the British Crown (represented by William Hobson) signed a treaty and formally ushered in the era of the Pakeha into New Zealand history. Even today, Treaty of Waitangi remains the foundation of Maori-Pakeha relations and root of Maori-Pakeha tensions, is symbolic of the distance between the sides – now as well as in the beginning. The document was drafted in two languages. For some Pakeha, it is merely a matter of semantics, but for the Maori, the wording is illustrative of all the injustices they suffered from European settlers. This paper is an attempt to understand the development, the achievements, and the controversies of Maori ethnic mobilization as they pertain to (refer to) the Treaty of Waitangi and the disparity (real or imagined) between the sides. The British version of the Treaty granted the Maori the rights of citizenship and obliged the Crown to protect the Maori “in the exercise of their government over their lands, villages, and treasures.”

These parts are made clear in both languages. Controvesion: In the first Article of the Treaty, however, it was written that the Maori were, in exchange for these services, to: ‘cede to Her Majesty the Queen of England absolutely and without reservation all the rights and powers of Sovereignty (mana) which the said Confederation or Individual Chiefs respectively exercise or possess, or may be supposed to exercise or posses over their respective Territories as the sole Sovereigns thereof.’ The Maori chiefs had signed a document which translated: The Chiefs of the Confederation and all the Chiefs not in that confederation cede without reservation to the Queen of England forever the Governorship (kawanatanga) of all their lands.It is clear from an earlier work that the translator was aware the meaning of terms – the nature of British intentions is questionable. According to Walker: Governorship vs. sovereignty.

There were no governors in New Zealand as a referent by which the chiefs would have more readily understood the term. Their understanding of kawanatanga would be understood as a benign (mild, favourable, kind, gentle) desn’t connected with mana whenua -If sovereignty had been translated that way, the Treaty, probably would not have been signed. The second article: the English version guaranteed the chiefs and tribes of New Zealand, families and individuals ‘the full exclusive and undisturbed possession of their Lands and Estates Forests Fisheries and other properties which they may collectively or individually possess’; the Maori version fails to specify those properties. Instead, the translation explains that the chiefs and tribes, families and individuals would maintain: the full chieftainship of their lands their homes and all their treasures things. From the first Article, the Maori chiefs were led to believe that they were to hold on to their sovereignty, that “The shadow of the land will pass to Queen Victoria, but the substance remains to us.”

The use of the word rangatiratanga, which translates into chieftainship, in the second Article only serves to prolong that illusion. These two seemingly minor linguistic discrepancies have become two of the most controversial and complicated points in Maori-Pakeha relations. Nevertheless, it cannot be fairly said that the British were intentionally tilting the scales in their favor when they wrote the treaty, even though that was the result. The Treaty was signed before any large influx (mass arrival, inflow) of settlers arrived, as it was born out of a desire to shelter the Maori from the plagues of future European immigration. It offered far more than any other treaty the British had signed – e.g. guarantee citizenship and self-government. The British didn’t predict the far-reaching implications that it has today. The language of the Treaty is only the basis of Maori protests.

The Treaty promises a number of rights to the Maori, and most of them the Maori feel have never been satisfied. The coherention of The Treaty with contemporary society is questionable, so the transformation[6] should be considered. The change is a result of both the Pakeha enlightement as well as The Maori activist demanding attitude. The development of self-aware activist movement is corelated with the Treaty recognizing evolution.[7] “The Treaty is always speaking”, as it is the spirit of the Treaty, rather than its literal interpretation which is relevant today. The sides are often at odds (in opposition) when it comes to Maori rights and claims. In addition, the Maori movement is facing tremendous opposition from the Pakeha majority who are not enthusiastic about giving up their lands, the establishment of special Maori services, or even the treaty itself. At present Maori attitudes towards the Treaty are favorable, in earlier days of Maori activism, however, that opinion was divided.[8] The “discovery” of the Treaty merely gave the movement a stronger legal foundation on which it could base its claims. There are two antagonistic but not mutually exclusive process and movements: assimilation (social equity and peaceful coexistence) with and negation of Pakeha culture and NZ society (striving to sovereignty and vengeance).

Even as the Even as, establishment of a sovereign Maori state has become a hot issue in recent times, for most Maori (especially the urban), it’s used for pushing the government to fulfill the Treaty conditions, rather than a revolutionary independence movement to create a modern Maori state governed by Maori customs and law. In that context, the desire to attain equality in social standing (In Article Three of the Treaty, the Maori are granted the rights of citizenship in a sovereign state wherein all citizens are equal.), is the most immediate concern. In practically every single category, there is a considerable gap between the Maori average and the Pakeha average. The contribution of socio-economic factors to poor health remains high. Two-thirds of Maori people occupy the two lowest socio-economic classes – that is over twice that of the non-Maori group (in terms of unemployment and wages as well) the terms of the Treaty are not being met. Well-being, while not specifically mentioned in the document, is directly implied in several parts. The lands possession and its meaning. the Maori customary system of land holding centred on the tribe or hapu.

Founded on ancestral right, conquest or occasionally gift, confirmed always by occupation or use, a tribe would hold an area of land consisting of a number of blocks. Within the tribe, the hapus or family groups would have rights located in blocks or parts of blocks (which became less and less because of sharing among descendants), but rarely was there anything approaching individual ownership.[9] There was no real certainty of rights since they could be overturned by force. Within the tribe there was a reasonable chance of preserving rights but they could hold good only within the tribe. During over the 150 years since the Treaty was signed, the Maori have largely been dispossessed of their tribal territories and today can lay claim to only 3 million acres of land compared to the 63 million in Pakeha hands. The land is the foundation of the tribal society and identity, the alienation from ancient lands. Indeed, history will show that in almost every case, Maori land was not sold by free will; rather, as activists cry today, the land was stolen by the Pakeha and now it is time for justice.

The first effective Land Court was set up by the Native Lands Act in 1865 to avoid misunderstandings (in some cases europeans had purchased the land from pretended (false) owners and, in fact they never become owners) and create solid legal founds for purchasing and partition process. In 1960, the Hunn report was issued to the government, recommending a policy of integration, that “differentiation between Maoris and Europeans in statute law should be gradually eliminated.” The state responded by merging Maori social services with general services and completing the integration of Maori lands into the land title system. In reaction, the 1970s saw a subsequent Maori backlash (protest), whereby activists furiously brandished (weave or flourish ostentatiously, exhibit aggressively) their Maoritanga, denying the assimilative forces of Pakeha society. It was undeniably the most radical period of activism in Maori history, but the concept itself has been practiced by Maori since the signing of the Treaty. In the late 1950s and the early 1960s, the Maori Women’s Welfare League and the Maori Council, conservative bodies interested in working within the Pakeha framework to pursue Maori rights, were founded. But these organizations were a continuation of the Maori elite which had always led traditional Maori groups and they proved inadequate for the rising generation of Maori activists whose experiences in a turbulent New Zealand society were considerably different.

As David Pearson explains, the conditions that exist in the urban core, together with perceptions of attachment to a past or present peripheral homeland, promote the rise of more radical ethnic leaders who challenge the legitimacy of the dominant state. This challenge is shaped by a moral imperative which embraces ideologies of ethnic and territorial self-determination. Moreover, state actions are likely to provoke a variety of responses from within or outside of its bureaucratic forms of ethnic representation… The constituency for such leadership in the increasing numbers of young, urban born, and often unemployed Maori and Pacific Island youth. By the advent of the 1970s, then, there existed, among others, on the opposite end of the spectrum, a radical newsletter called Te Hokoi, the Maori Organisation on Human Rights (MOOHR), and Nga Tamatoa (the young warriors), an organization of aggressive and angry young people who pretty much redefined Maori activism.

Inspired by the success of the civil rights movement in the United States and the rhetoric of labor unions and socialist organizations, the new wave of activists used sit-ins, marches, and demonstrations to convey their message of reform, often attracting the attention of New Zealand and international media. Perhaps the peak of activism occurred in 1975 when 30,000 people marched to Parliament under the slogan, “Not One More Acre of Maori Land.” Clearly, the Maori population had been reawakened by the vitality and the conviction of the new Maori activists. There was of course a certain level of skepticism that came with the transfer of power from the old to the new, but in the end, it seemed that the Maori cause was well served by both. Among Maori leaders secure in traditional authority there was a mixture of irritation and paternal indulgence towards outspoken younger peoples.

But there was also a shrewd appreciation that Maori causes could be well served by the fission of apprehension which unruly dissident youth could provoke among complacent Pakeha. If some radical demands and behaviour were thought to be needlessly provocative, there was also admiration for their persistence, and a growing, if sometimes wavering, belief that even their apparently unrealistic goals were legitimate. No one was genuinely interested in preserving Maori land in Maori ownership. On the contrary the Government, the settlers and many Maoris were concerned mainly with buying and selling. No device of titles or restrictions could have held up the irresistible pressure of settlement. By the time this pressure was relaxed, it was too late in many districts. The cream of the land was gone. What was left was relatively unattractive

The Waitangi Tribunal was established in 1975 to hear Maori complaints and protests, inquire into claims under the Treaty, and make recommendations to Parliament for resolving disputes. There were very few complaints that were registered until 1985 when Maori leaders were successful in lobbying the Labour government to extend the time frame to 1840, the year that the Treaty of Waitangi was signed. The decisions of the Tribunal are not law, but they has tremendous effect on the law and makes a difference – for the benefit of the Maori and the detriment of the Pakeha. Before the Tribunal, however, the land situation was generally very different. When Maori groups had complaints to register, they were forced to present their cases to the courts (denying that the Treaty had a place in domestic law). The Tribunal offered an alternative for the Maori to receive what they felt was their due right under the Treaty.

The first important case that the Tribunal heard was in 1982 when the Te Ati Awa of Taranaki challenged the right of the Petro-Chemical Industries to discharge wastes into the coastal waters off the town of Waitara. Initially, the tribe claimed that the waste would pollute the shellfish collecting grounds that were sources of traditional tribal food and income, and they demanded a specific monetary compensation for their losses. The Tribunal turned around and found that the reefs and the shellfish were cultural (prized) properties – taonga kaotu to the Maori people, and a protected right under Article 2 of the Treaty. This was an interpretation that the courts found acceptable, and as a result, the idea of cultural properties was become a precedent for future cases. The more travelling involved, the long absences from tribal lands, the loss of those lands and it’s settlement of pakeha —all these spelt the end of the communal working group.

An incorporated body such as is common today, managed by a committee of management composed in the main of the recognised leaders of families. The Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004 (the Act) is arguably the most significant piece of legislation affecting Māori in recent history. The issue started with an application by the iwi of Te Tau Ihu to the Māori Land Court, asking for a finding that the iwi held customary title over the foreshore and seabed in their rohe moana. They had been dissatisfied of the marine environment management and went to The Appeal Court, which didn’t find the Iwi genuine property rights. The reform process saw: Over 25,000 people march on Parliament opposing the Act; The UN noticed the Māori discrimination – it extinguished (remove, abolish, do away with) property rights without compensation; The Act was reviewed by an independent panel; It is expected that iwi and hapu consultations will now be held.

Two types of Māori customary rights are provided for in the Act: Territorial Customary Rights Orders (TCRs) – that are designed to recognise property rights that existed before the Act. To get a TCR, applicants have to prove that they have had unbroken ownership of the land next to the foreshore and seabed they are claiming since 1840 and satisfy tests about the strength of their connection to the foreshore and seabed. If an applicant gets a TCR, they can create a trust that manages the use of that area of the foreshore and seabed. Customary Rights Orders (CROs) – that are designed to recognise customary practices occurring on the foreshore and seabed. To get a CRO, applicants have to prove that they have an unbroken tradition of doing the particular customary practice and that it is important tikanga for them to continue doing it.

If an applicant gets a CRO, it will be recognised under the Resource Management Act (RMA) as a nationally important consideration and taken into account when people apply for a resource consent under the RMA. Contemporary conflicts between Maori: boundaries (Ngāi Tahu Takiwā northern boundary – prompted by Iwi of Te Tau Ihu. The matter was referred to the Maori Apellate Court, responsible for resolving legal conflicts of the Maori society) Contemporary image of the Maori culture and conception of great migration was created around the beginning of 20th century by scholars, who cherished assimilation with European Culture – Allan Hanson. Nevertheless, the Maori have embraced it as their own history, incorporated it into their socio-political structure, and use it as a means of unifying their community.

They also have used Pakeha culture as a springboard from which they redefine their own culture in a constantly changing environment and protect from assimilation. Maori traditions are reified and essentialized, while paradoxically, their objectification and reinterpretation takes place principally in opposition to a stereotypical representation of European values, largely because a major goal of the discourse of tradition is to counter European domination. the Maori cultural awareness movement, Maoritanga, has had an active role in reconstructing the Maori reality to suit its own interests: It’s image of the future New Zealand is a bicultural society, in which Maoris are on a par with Pakehas politically and economically and Maori culture is respected as equally valid but distinct from Pakeha culture. To promote that image, it is necessary to stress the unique contribution that Maori culture has made to national life – different from but no less valuable than the Pakeha contribution.

Thus, the Maori tradition that Maoritanga invents is one that contrasts with Pakeha culture, and particularly with those elements of Pakeha culture that are least attractive. The beginning of Assimilation with Pakeha Culture took place after WW II, this process is connected with urbanization and detribalization – Maori moved from countryside to cities[10], and got low-skilled and low-paid jobs. They were characterised by “footlessness, laziness, absenteeism (habitual absence from work and duty), wastefulness, marital instability and crime” Indeed, many of the same problems exist today and (from traditional Maori Perspective) are determined by cultural factors: isolation from homeland, lack of tribal structure (system of kinship), support, authority[11] , identity and integrity. Instead, they found in the city “a cold-as-steel world” without intimate relationships. J. Metdge: The lines between “real” kin and “attached” kin had become blurred while interest in whakapapa had declined as well. Maoriness, rather than kinship, became the main factor of association. Reduction of maraes in the city is also meaningful – In 1971, there were six marae in Auckland and 44,300 Maori. In contrast, there were 70 marae for about 8,000 people in the total East Coast district. Additionally, because of work organization, hui were scheduled during weekends only.

About 70% of Maori society were under 25 years, they aren’t so active in tikanga field. Even as the demand for marae increases with the population, marae are extremely expensive to build and maintain and, in consequence, are run by heterogenous groups and institutions (churches, inter-tribal (-racial) groups in the cities. Tribal affiliations are kept, whereas tribal ties no longer translate into cohesive action. According to Metge: causes – dispersion of tribe members over the city; too numerous or too heterogeneous population – none of them recognised a single chief; the territorial base lack. Whereas Van Meijl emphasizes historical factors. Nevertheless tribal identity is still important in terms of personal value. The detribalization (assimilation; Maoritanga[12]; Gangs without tribal and maori identity or ethnic ties, members recognise themselves as black, and victims of white rule, like blacks in the USA) occures simultaneously and contrarily with continued, distinct, and rebuilding tribal identity.

The main binarisms: tribal vs. metropolitan; Maori vs. Pakeha; New Zealand (capitalism, liberalism, democracy, rationalism) vs. Aotearoa (aroha, whanaugatanga (kinship), manaakitanga (sharing and caring), mana (power and prestige), taonga-tuku-iho (cultural heritage). How will the Maori survive and live and prosper in a Pakeha world without losing hold of that which makes them Maori? In New Zealand, the Maori are not an underclass, they are not oppressed by law, and they are not an insignificant minority, they have obtained the status of citizenship and have created a widespread appreciation of their culture (have found space for evolving). The Maori have extracted from their Pakeha neighbors the essence of their new identity, turned it upside down, and rebuilt their history and traditions in opposition to it. Aroha is infused with new life and the marae and hui with new sprituality. Kinship is a labor of love and the tribe a fundamental fact. Choice portions of the spectrum are carved out and reserved for Maori practices, personalities, and beliefs. Another probs: language is no longer common knowledge, alcoholism. Maori community, awareness, and pride aims to be part of the solution, but it’s hard venture. The Maori are both marginalized and deeply immersed in the Pakeha world and any explanation of who they are today must take into account these antagonistic forces.

The Maori have to match their problems themselves, looking out (take care) for one another and determine state to respect/fulfill T.W. conditions. Changes in the Social Sector Desperation makes for separation, as tribal groups like O’Regan’s Ngai Tahu who bolt (separate) for the cash at the expense (harm, loss) of the whole Maori movement. That tribe is considerably wealthy. Improvement: social services (during the 1960s, Maori services suffered an enormous loss, as the Hun report recommended that a policy of integration be adopted – the non-Maori specific programs were insensitive to Maori cultural needs.[13] This attitude led to the dissolution (extinction, disintegration) of the Native Schools Division of the Department of Education, the extension of general social services to all Maori, and the repealing (cancel) of the right of the Maori Land Court in deciding adoption cases.

It was especially difficult to accept, the concepts of community-rearing (caring) and extended family are crucial in the upbringing of a Maori child, and unfortunately (as a completely different) under law during the 1960s. New Zealand underwent dramatic change in the following decade when the Maori ethnic resurgence occurred. The language, distinguish example. Te Reo was in true danger of dying out and in 1985, the Waitangi Tribunal declared that te reo Maori should be recognized as an official language in NZ. To this end, the Tribunal once again evoked the notion of taonga (property) and set down favorable recommendations which the government subsequently accepted. Prior to (before) the decision, Maori parents had accused the present education system of erasing Maori fluency. Whereas, the Pakeha noticed that, four out of five South Auckland children can’t read or write sufficiently to cope with secondary school – one of the worst results of treaty worship is the elevation of Maori culture to the number one spot in schools. Teachers increasingly dismiss reading, writing and arithmetic as unimportant “pakeha” concepts, irrelevant to kids growing up in a Polynesian culture.

In addition, another important result of Maori ethnic moblization was the Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act – the family is always consulted in the case of a child welfare or juvenile (young person) correction case to avoid taking those cases to court. This act was designed with specific cultural needs in mind, however, there are still concerns with the act. To be effective, this required an environment in which the introduction of different processes, types of spirit and underlying philosophies and different outcomes from those traditionally available in criminal justice contexts was made possible. That this has not yet fully occurred speaks to the power of traditional systems to resist reform. And it speaks to the power of resources.

The failure to fund adequately iwi and cultural authorities as envisaged under the act has meant that the new system cannot fulfill its true potential. Much of what was intended has remained rhetoric. The state must respond to the Maori, as such events as the annual Waitangi Day Celebration have a tendency to attract much Maori wrath (anger, violent, sin retribution) and much international media coverage as well. the Maori and the Pakeha aims are antagonized – a gain for one is a loss for the other. Nevertheless, the Treaty of Waitangi is inherently a binding mechanism, bringing together two different peoples who must learn to live together on equal ground, one way or another. Biculturalism – tangata kē can identify with a sense of place.

Michael King (historian) himself saw Pākehā as a ‘second indigenous culture’ or as ‘the teina or younger-sibling culture’ who respected the priority of the tuakana – the tangata whenua. For him, a ‘confident Pakeha culture,’ one that valued its own heritage as part of Aotearoa, would be able to respect the place of Māori, and so contribute to a society based on ‘a mutuality of respect between the two major cultures. Nevertheless, it is still too soon to suggest that the majority of tangata kē in Aotearoa have achieved a deep sense of place (because, ‘they live under their hats’ – they moved from one location to another because they did not experience the land’s weighty claims upon them), or would feel comfortable defining themselves as the ‘teina culture’ of this land.

Tikanga (plan, method, the proper order)originates from I nga wa o mua[14] translates as from the times of front (begining, past) – the dawn of time, when events were happening, the worlds were being made, domains being decided, the balance was being put in place and English was not being spoken. It affects present and future – connected process and the deciding factor that makes us unique as a people (distinguishes individuals). Each Iwi has different Tikanga, which is tika for them. Do not judge different iwi from your own as being wrong, for what they see in their past has developed their Tikanga. It’s practical, vibrant, living part of the Maori culture – needs to be written on the heart and from there it becomes an integral part of us. Tikanga permeates throughout all aspects of life and sets the codes of conduct for all situations, from interacting with people, to preparing medicine, gathering kai (food), building marae, performing kapa haka and every other aspect of daily life. Kaupapa – set of concepts (philosopohies) which tikanga is based on – first, general principles, by which Maori are guided. Tikanga and Kaupapa, both are derived from gods.

Traditionally the transfer of matauranga (knowledge)had always involved expert individuals, tohunga and wananga (schools of learning). This system has increasingly taken other forms, because of modern influences. As well, we have seen the gradual decline in the traditional knowledge being passed on to whanau, hapu and iwi. A wealth of knowledge has been lost and is in danger of disappearing forever. Many kaumatua have traditional knowledge related to cultural activities and experiences associated with our native biodiversity. Tuakana/teina refers to the relationship between an older (tuakana) person and a younger (teina) person and is specific to teaching and learning in the Māori context. Within teaching and learning contexts, this can take a variety of forms: Peer to peer – teina teaches teina, tuakana teaches tuakana. Younger to older – the teina has some skills in an area that the tuakana does not and is able to teach the tuakana. Older to younger – the tuakana has the knowledge and content to pass on to the teina. Able to less able – the learner may not be as able in an area, and someone more skilled can teach what is required. Mana is defined in English as authority, control, influence, prestige or power. It is also honour. Three kinds of Mana: 1. The mana a person was born with, comes from whakapapa (genealogy of the person).

This could be the rank of the parents, grandparents, great-grandparents right back to the people who came across on the waka (canoes).There is also mana from being decendants of tupuna (ancestors) who are well known for their deeds. Some whanau (families) are known for certain skills, traits and abilites, which comes from their tupuna. This is similar to how today there are familes who are known for their sporting abilites etc. 2. Mana that the people give you for your deeds and actions. Just because a person is born from great lines does not necessarily mean that they will have great mana amongst the people. The mana a person is born with sets them off, but the way that they conduct themselves throughout life will either strengthen their own personal mana, and by that the mana of their tupuna, or weaken their own personal mana. Humbleness is a very highly valued trait in the Maori world. Many of our great leaders are very humble people, hence part of their greatness. The people sing their praises, thereby heightening their mana.

These great leaders you will never hear singing their own praises. It is not that they are trying to be humble, it is that they just are. 3. Group Mana, e.g. the mana of a marae; enhanced by number 2 above. When people stay on a marae, are well looked after and are given great food, those manuhiri (guest), when they leave will tell everyone about the great experience, how well they were looked after and the great food, which builds ko te mana of that marae and ko te tangata whenua there. One the other hand, if the manuhiri were not looked after well, they would be fast to tell everyone about that also, hence weakening the mana of the particular marae involved and the tangata whenua there. Other forms of group mana is the mana of a whanau, a hapu and an iwi. Today there are people who seek mana and delibarately go around trying to gain mana by telling people about their own importance.

There is a Maori saying: The Kumara () does not talk about its’ own sweetness but mana seekers do exactly that. Mana needs to be maintained through the active practice of tikanga – Mana needs to be maintained through the active practice of tikanga, being honest and having integrity is very important. Korero: spoken word and its importance in maori oral tradition. A chief’s food is talk (Ko te kai a te rangatira – he korero). “chinese whisper theory” is against oral tradition, focus on deformations when a phrase is handed down. The oral tradition are not whispered once to a person. It takes years of training and reciting to gain the position of historian. The memory is trained to be able to recall acurately the histories, traditions and genealogies verbatim.

Marae the full name for the sacred courtyard in front of the meeting house is Te Maraenui-Atea-o-Tumatauenga (the larger marae of Tumatauenga, the Guardian of War). Going on to the marae means entering into an encounter situation, where challenges are met and issues are debated. The marae is the total immersion in Maori culture at a place where the native language is spoken, where “Maori is exalted to the first rank and Pakeha to second place,” and where thousands of other Maori gather and have gathered in the past – the real loss is that this experience has been lost to practically a whole generation of Maori youth. All newcomers to the marae must be greeted formally by the tangata whenua, wheather in the warmth of a welcome, in the sadness of a tangihanga or even verbal battle on mutual issues. Right side (arm of ancestor) is occupied by tangata whenua, whereas opposite, rear and vacant by manuhiri. It is the place where people formally come together on a specific occasion for a specific function. The procedure and rules may vary from iwi to iwi – each Marae has its own rules, based on Classical Maori. Alcohol is not permitted on or near the marae, sometimes is provided at social events.

Do not (in the Whare Hui): wear shoes, eat and drink, jump on mattresses, hang clothes on the poupou and pictures, run around inside and walk (over peoples legs – ask them to move them; in front of speaker), blankets over others, sit on pillows and tables anywhere, smoke (in whare kai also), throw and pass food over anyone; on the Atea (courtyard) smoke, play sports or games,cross – walk around the sides Terms: Kaumatua – Elders, Pakeke – Adults, Rangatahi – Young People, Tamariki – Children, Inoi / Karakia – Prayer, Wero – Challange, Karanga – Call, Mihi / Whaikorero – Speeches, Waiata – Song, Koha – Gift, Hongi – Traditional Greeting, Tihei Mauri Ora – Behold there is life, Hui E, Taiki E – Gather as one, Hui – Gathering, Roopu – Group, Ka Huri – Your Turn. The Tangata Whenua (The Local People) by genealogy and nowadays by association have a turangawaewae (situational identity) to the marae. It gives them the right to determine tikanga and functions, to define roles on the marae and to enjoy giving hospitality to others. It also prescribes their responsibilities and obligations. They have the basic task of preparing for visitors, ensuring that they are well fed and looked after and generally doing all they can to make the hui a success.

They contribute to the food supplies, provide the work force for the kitchen, dining room, meeting house and grounds and welcoming visitors. The tangata whenua can be sub-divided into sub-groups based on their prescribed roles although it is true that roles can overlap. Ko Nga Kaumatua (The Elders) the affiliation to this category varies from marae to marae, some are exponents of Maoritanga, and others are exponents of the Whaikorero. In some districts where there are very few old folk, the younger group assume the role of the elders. In other areas where the number of elders are greater, the old leaders are very old and the younger ones have to wait in the “wings” during a formal welcome. Their role is to “front” the marae, welcome the visitors, ensure that the tikanga (procedure) is strictly adhered to and pass on their knowledge to the young. They should be chosen by the people, and not by themselves! Ko Nga Pakeke (The Adults) – the backbone of the marae.

They are the ones who organise the catering, are usually the chief ringawera, and organise the setting up of the whare, the laundry work and ensure that the place is upkept. Ko Nga Matatahi (The Young People) take an active part in the running of hui. Helping in the kitchen, setting the tables, waiting on the tables, clearing away and doing the dishes is a vital role. They also help with powhiri in a supportive role. Ko Nga Tamariki (The Children)This is the first stage in serving an apprenticeship on a marae. It is at this age, with guidance from the other three groups that the tamariki learn the boundaries of the marae. The pohiri (or powhiri) is the traditional Maori welcome ceremony which takes place usually when going onto a marae, exists at other places as well. The pohiri is to remove the tapu of the Manuhiri to make them one with the Tangata Whenua (it’s gradual process, variants).Two couple (male+female) is required for pohiri. Female is responsib for calling (karanga) Predicts mihi, Normally a woman from the host side – Kai Karanga calls first Haere Mai Haere Mai Haere Mai (most basic form) to indicate to the manuhiri to move forward on to the marae. This is normally answered Karanga Mai Karanga Mai Karanga Mai (basic form) by a woman’s response from the manuhiri – Kai Whakaatu.

The purpose of the karanga is to weave a spiritual rope to allow the waka (canoe) of the manuhiri to be pulled on. It should never be broken and the sound should be continuous (the rope shouldn’t be broken; once first karanga is begun, the next should be initiated before finish), each side weaving in and out of each other. The karanga also opens the tapu of Te Maraenui Atea o Tumatauenga to allow safe passage across for the manuhiri. A wahine (woman) must never karanga if she has her mate wahine (period), or if she is hapu (be pregnant), girls whose whare tangata (womb, macica; it gives the ability to open tapu Te Maraenui …) has not yet awoken. Women have the right to refuse without explanation and pressure shouldn’t be placed on them. It’s a spiritual call that has been heard in Aotearoa for generations and generations and it provides the medium by which the living and the dead of the manuhiri may cross the physical space to unite with the living and the dead of the tangata whenua. It can also be an identifying call from the manuhiri indicating where the group has come from. At a tangihanga (funeral) where groups follow one another this becomes more crucial. Before you learn to karanga, you need to check with the senior women in your whanau on the blood lines for permission. If your whanau has women who karanga, they would be the best ones to teach you. If there are women older than you at hui, wait to see if they organise who will do the karanga – do not overstep them. The karanga awakens the emotions. It brings an awareness that what is happening is not just a simple act onto a marae – there is a presence of people, both physical and spiritual.

The whole procedure of coming together is based upon a tradition that is as meaningful today as it is in the past. While the host will stand during the karanga, the manuhiri move forward to the puku. There are usually 3 karanga done for the tangata whenua side and three from the manuhiri in reply, making a total of six. However, the karanga for an ordinary hui are different from a tangihanga, from taking a tupapaku onto the marae, from going onto an urupa (cemetery), from going to an unveiling (odkrycie, odsłonięcie), then there are the ones for kai, koha, being seated etc. This makes a rough total of 36 Karanga. and male for speech (mihi/whaikorero) the formal speaking structure used during pohiri.

Types: Whakawhitiwhiti mai / Tu atu utuutu Speakers alternate, with the tangata whenua beginning and finally ending after the speakers have alternated. Regions: Paeke, Nga Puhi, Ngati Whatua, Ngati Awa, Tuhoe, Whakatohea, Te Whanau a Apanui, Ngati Porou, Rongowhakaata, Aitanga a Mahaki, Ngati Kahungunu, Taranaki; Paeke/Pa Harakeke All the tangata whenua speak and then all the manuhiri speak. The very last speaker is always the tangata whenua. In both methods the tangata whenua will have the final say. Tu Atu Tu Mai, Te Arawa, Ngati Tuwharetoa, Ngai te Rangi, Ngati Raukawa, Waikato, Ngati Maniapoto, Ngati Maru, Ngati Paoa.

1. Tauparapara are usually used at the beginning of a mihi and can be used to identify the speaker, the iwi, the purpose of the hui and to set the mood. It is important that when using a tauparapara you understand the translation, and if possible the meaning, so that the correct one can be used for the occasion. Some can be used on either the Tangata Whenua or the Manuhiri side, while others are for one side only. Examples: – Ka tangi te titi The Mutton bird cries; Ka tangi te kaka The Parrot cries; Ka tangi hoki ko ahau I also cry; Tihei (wa) Mauri Ora! Behold there is Life! The titi and the kaka are used in the tauparapara because of their reo, which is crystal clear, in the case of the titi, and continuous in the case of the kaka. Speakers try to let their reo be like these birds. Other birds are important as well, each has different meaning. – Korihi te manu The bird sings; Takiri mai i te ata The morning has dawned; Ka ao, ka ao, ka awatea The day has broken; Tihei (wa) Mauri Ora! Behold there is Life! – Tuhia ki te rangi Write it in the sky; Tuhia ki te whenua Write it in the land; Tuhia ki te ngakau o nga tangata Write it in the heart of the people; Ko te mea nui The greatest thing; Ko te aroha Is love; Tihei (wa) Mauri Ora! Behold there is Life! (wa is used by northern iwi) The saying Tihei mauri ora comes from when Hineahuone (the first made woman) had life breathed into her. The tihei is like the sneeze when a child is born, the mauri is the force and the ora is the life.

There is also a saying Tihei mauri mate which is the death force, and used sometimes at tangihanga.

2. The waioha tuatahi (acknowlegments to the Creator, Papatuanuku, Ranginui, the Guardians, the Marae, Tangata Whenua or Manuhiri) is dependant upon the occasion and can be broken into two sections, the acknowledgments that can be said by both sides and acknowledgments from one side only. The following are small samples for acknowledgment for the creator: – Ko te wehi ki te Atua Regards to the Creator; Me whakakororia tona ingoa Glorify his name; I nga wa katoa. For all times

3. Poroporoaki – acknowlegments to the dead; death is an important part of life and without those who have gone before us, we wouldn’t exist. – Tena Koutou i o tatou tini mate Greetings to our many dead; Haere, haere, haere. 3xFarewell, – Tena koutou i o tatou tini mate Greetings to our many dead; Koutou kua wheturangitia You who have been adorned as stars; Ki te korowai o Ranginui In the heavens; Koutou kua wehe atu ki te po You who have departed to the night; Ki te tua o Te Arai To beyond Te Arai Ki te okiokinga To the resting place; I o tatou tupuna Of our ancestors; Haere, haere, haere. Farewell, farewell, farewell.

4. Hono, separates the dead from the living, to you yourself return to be with the living. Sometimes is placed at the end of mihi. – Te hunga mate ki te hunga mate The dead to the dead; Te hunga ora ki te hunga ora The living to the living

5. Waioha Tuarua is a broader acknowledgment to people you’re talking with. It goes more into depth than the Waioha Tuatahi. (T.W) E nga Manuhiri To the Visitors; Nau mai, haere mai, haere mai Welcome, welcome, welcome The following lines can be mixed and matched: Haere mai ki tenei Marae o Tatou Welcome to this, our Marae Haere mai i raro i te korowai Welcom e under the cloak; o te Rangimarie of Peace Ka nui te koa me te hari Great is the joy and the pleasure; ki te kite i a koutou to see you (M) E te kai karanga Greetings, greetings, greetings; 3xTena (koe, korua, kou tou to – depends on the kai karanga amount) see you In case of haka pohiri performance: E te kaea o te Haka Pohiri To the leader of the Haka Pohiri; 3xTena koe to see you

6. Take defines the reason why we are here and to answer any questions or issues that are raised by previous speakers. This is the hardest section to cover if you do not have alot of Reo. However the following samples are ways to get around it while you are still learning the Reo. (T.W) Tena koutou ki a koutou Greetings to you; kua tae mai nei who have arrived; ki te tautoko te kaupapa to support the reason; o tenei wa of this time (M) Kua tae mai matou We have come; ki te tautoko te kaupapa to support the reason; o tenei wa. of this time.

7. Whakamutunga – conclusion of mihi; if you are just starting out to mihi (it allows to make mistakes): Ehara ahau i te tangata mohio I am not a knowlegeable person; ki te korero at speaking; otira, but; e tika ana it is right; kia mihi atu kia mihi mai that we exchange greetings. Whakatauki (proverb )using is proper as well, but that intro is essential: E tika ana te korero (Kei te tika te korero) The korero is true; i o tatou tupuna of our Tupuna. Then go into whakatauki: a} if we talk about unity Waiho i te toipoto Let us join together; Kaua i te toiroa And not fall apart. b) about sharing of knowledge: Nau te raurau With your basket; Naku te raurau And my basket c) the last speaker on the Manuhiri who lay down the koha: Ahakoa iti Although it is small; He pounamu It’s of greenstone d) about seeking excellence: Whaia e koe ki te iti kahurangi Seek the treasure you value most dearly; ki te tuohu koe if you bow your head me; Maunga Teitei let it be to a majestic mountain e) about passing: Toitu he whenua Land is permanent; Whatungarongaro he tangata People disappear coda, finish phrases: No reira Therefore; Tena koutou tena koutou tena koutou katoa Greetings to you all Hui e Gather together; Taiki e! As one

10 stage pohiri – classical, rare seen at present. 1. Ko nga Tangata (people) 2. Inoi (Prayer) An inoi is said before start of main powhiri by both sides to ensure the safety of the people and to ensure undisturbed course of ritual. M wait at the tomokanga of the marae with women and children flanked closely by the men – this indicates readiness. The hosts wait in front or at the side of the marae. As many of them as possible should do this as an expression of their welcome. 3. Wero (Challange) are not often seen today, but traditionally these were carried out to ascertain the intentions of the visiting group (peace or warlike) – dependant on the way in which the taki (dart) was placed down and picked up (If the taki is a weapon, the person picking it up must be careful not to pick it up by the handle as this would indicate war-like intentions to T.W). It was executed by the fastest and fittest male warriors of hosts. 5. Haka Pohiri (Welcome Dance) performed by T.W., to pull the waka of the Manuhiri onto the Marae atea with the rope that was woven during the karanga and to uplift the mana of the T.W, their marae, iwi, hapu and their tupuna. The call of the haka pohiri likens the arrival of the group of visitors to the safe arrival of a canoe to the shore. The canoe is dragged safely to a resting place onto the shore.

Likewise the voices of the haka pohiri symbolically represent the rope by which the visitors are pulled safely onto the marae. So, from the gates the rope platted voice of the Kai Karanga intertwines and twists to give greater strength to the voices of the haka pohiri, strengthened still further by the Kai Whakaatu. As long as there are people and the marae, the rope represented by the voices of people is a rope that ties and pulls people together.

It stretches from the past, appears in the present, and disappears to serve future generations. Acknowledgment to those who have passed on Once the manuhiri have approached the puku, they pause and with the tangata whenua bow their heads for two or three minutes in remembrance. Immediately after, at a given sign, the manuhiri move to take up the seats provided with the speakers sitting in the front row of seats. Often at a tangihanga those doing the powhiri will hold greenery in their hands. The leaves have a light (life) and a dark (death) side. It reminds us that life is linked with death, that life and death are interwoven. 6. Mihi (Speeches)

7. Oriori – Waiata (Chant – Song) shows that the people support the speaker and what he has said. It compliment what has been said, the occasion surrounding the pohiri, acknowledge the speakers whakapapa or the group itself and uphold their mana. Nowadays, people tend to sing items that have modern tunes (waiata). However, at Tangaihanga, the richness of Maori can be heard, calling through the ages in the traditional items. 8. Koha (Gift) is laid by the last speaker of by M to indicate that they have no more speakers and have finished. This is the first contact between the sides. Traditionally koha were in the form of precious materials – pounamu (jade), whale bone etc, korowai (cloaks) and numerous other taonga.

Delicacies were also gifted – because of tapu and noa rules, it musn’t be laid on Te Maraenui. Today, money is the normal form of koha. The purpose of the koha is to help with the upkeep of the marae and to cover general running costs associated with pohiri and hui. The size of the koha show the mana of the Manuhiri. It is normally the prerogative (privilege, right) of the manuhiri to decide how much to give and an assessment can be made based on much it costs to accommodate people per day for the number of days they are staying. It is also the obligation of the manuhiri to lay a koha down no matter how long the visitors remain, even if it is only for one or two hours. The moneyed society around the marae is not built on aroha and the marae requires financial support to maintain it. The koha, in an envelope, is laid down in front of the manuhiri on the marae.

This the first contact made by both sides. Ensure that it has coins in it so it will not blow away. Do not put your prized mere down on it, as has been done, because you are presenting the mere as well to the marae. A local person will pick it up. This is normally accompanied by a karanga. 9. Hongi (Traditional Form of Greeting) is the first physical contact – the gentle pressing of nose and forehead. T.W will indicate to the manuhiri to come in a certain direction, in line, to shake hands and to hongi. This practice originates from the dawn of time and is a symbolic reference to the first breath of life that was issued to Hineahuone by the Guardians – ‘Tihei Mauri Ora’ and shows the ‘coming together’ of the two groups to be united as one under the umbrella of the Powhiri. 10. Kai (Food), the tapu of the pohiri is removed by the sharing of kai. The tangata whenua and the manuhiri are now one. Pepeha (introduction, order of pepeha on maori.org.nz) – before we journey back in time to I nga wa o mua (the past) we should anchor ourselves to this whenua.

Mau is hold, therefore our Maunga (mountain) will anchor us here. Our tupuna crossed the Moana (oceans) the vast stretches of Te Moana Nui a Kiwa (Pacific)and followed the Awa (rivers) to come to the final resting places of their Waka (canoes). From the Waka came the Rohe (districts)which sub divided into the Iwi then into the Hapu. Each hapu is affiliated with a Wahi (place) and in each wahi is a Marae. Your Kaumatua (Grandparents) come from the Marae, your Matua (parents) come from them and then there is You. Using Taku implies that you are superior to what you are talking about. Using Toku implies what you are talking about is superior to you. Hoatu te mana (give credit and recognition)

ki a ratou kua tae mai nei ki tenei whenua, to those who came to this land, kua wheturangitia i te korowai o Ranginui, to those who have departed and are adorned as stars in the heavens, kua hangaia i tenei tikanga hoki. to those who built this tikanga also. if you have parents from two different places, that each side fits!!! For example, if your father is from Ngati Porou (East Coast) and your mother is from Waikato, you would not say Ko Waikato toku awa, Ko Ngati Porou toku iwi as Waikato is not the awa for Ngati Porou. When naming your grandparents and parents, put your grandfather / father first then your grandmother / mother second. Make sure that when you name the women, you use their maiden name as the maiden name is the connection to their blood lines. Poroporoaki – farewell ceremony, the conclusion of a hui. The sides express their thoughts, feelings and opinions of the hui. Manuhiri usually speak first, asking for permission to leave, while the tangata wheuna speak last. There are formal speaking system (similar to pohiri) and informal (everyone gathers in the whare, with the manuhiri sitting together and the tangata whenua sitting together. Speaking goes around the room, starting with the manuhiri.

When all of those who wish to speak have finished, the tangata whenua speak. When the final speaker has finished, the tangata whenua stand up, forming a line to the door. The manuhiri start at the other end of the line for hongi and when they reach the last person by the door they keep going.In some areas once the manuhiri have got into their vehicles the tangata wheuna sing items as they drive out). The Kaumatua (elder) features: mana (te kaumatua will not have to tell anyone they are, as this goes against the rules of mana, shows a lack of humbleness and are being whakahihi (vain, conceited)), honesty and integrity shown through their spoken word and actions, knowledge (Tikanga, history and Te Reo), the desire and wisdom to share, teach[15] and guide the up and coming generations, to ensure that the mana of the whanau, hapu and iwi are maintained The people decide who they consider their kaumatua, age is different depends on whanau Tangihanga usually lasts three days and are held either on marae, or now-a-days, at the person’s house. Fundamental to this belief is the support for the whanau pani (bereaving family) and grieving (zasmucać, opłakiwać) with, those that have been left behind and have to deal with the loss of someone they love. It re-affirms whanau ties.A tangihanga is not just about grieving, but about saying goodbye.

It is about having one last time with the person, to talk to and about them (The general korero (talk) often revolves around the person), to laugh with and cry for them As with all Maori Hui (gatherings) each group that comes receives a pohiri. If you wish to go to a tangihanga, but are not Maori and do not know protocol, go along and wait for other people to arrive then join their group. The wero is very rarely seen at a tangihanga. Some areas will not pohiri at night and therefore it is a good idea to make sure that you arrive before dusk. Some areas have a Po Whakangakau (Whakamutunga) – the final night. On this night, people perform, sing, tell jokes and generally have a good night of laughter. It is to cheer the whanau pani up, knowing that the next day will be the hardest.The tupapaku (body) is also not left alone at all during the whole tangihanga. This is so the person has company for their final days on earth, and so that they know they will never be forgotten. The Burial

After the service the tupapaku is taken to the urupa (cemetery) for the burial. There are never private burials from tangihanga – everyone is there to support the whanau pani. If the urupa is close by, the tupapaku is usually carried to the urupa, with everyone else following along behind. Sometime the carrying is taken in shifts. It is important to ensure that those carrying the tupapaku are all about the same height otherwise the person could be carried lop-sided! When everyone is gathered at the gate of the Urupa with the tupapaku, the kai karanga calls everyone in. A final service is sometimes said and the person is then lowered to their final resting place. Time is now given for people to speak and to say their final farewells. Some sing songs as well. When this is all finished, everyone files past the grave and throws either a flower or a piece of dirt in. And so the cycle is complete, we are born of woman and we return to woman. Takahi te Kainga Once the person has been buried, if they lived close by, people will go to their house to bless it. If they live in another area or far away, this is done at a later stage. Hakari The final feast, which is a celebration and an affirmation of life. Often during the hakari, people will get up and speak and perform items.

Hura Kohatu (unveiling -disclose, reveal) is usually held one year after a person has died to unveil their stone, to ensure that the person has not been forgotten and to help the Whanau Pani through the grief process. It’s done by the most appropriate people, due to their relationship with the deceased (At the Hura Kohatu of my father, I was the one and only who unveiled the stone, as I am his only daughter). It’s a modern adaptation but the principles of the hura kohatu stem from traditional times. It re-affirms whanau ties, allows to meet again with long lost relations, to meet relations that you may never have seen and a chance for the children of that whanau to meet their aunts and uncles again. It is also a chance for people who may have missed the tangihanga to come and pay their last respects. Order: Pohiri like all Maori Hui, the Hura Kohatu usually commences with a Pohiri. Preparing the Stone After the stone has been placed on the grave it is covered until the Hura Kohatu. If the stone is a few days early, it is usually covered with black polythene and on the day of the Hura Kohatu the “Unveiling Cloth” (korowai or a similar cloth that is used at all of the whanau Hura Kohatu. For whanau who do not have a whanau unveiling cloth and wish to make one, choose something appropriate to reflect the person and whanau.)is placed on the stone and then the polythene is removed.

The Unveiling The cloth can be unveiled in two ways: If the cloth comes forward it means that is available to be requested for the next whanau Kura Kohatu. The cloth usually goes forward if there has been another death between the time of the person whose unveiling it is and the whanau have asked for it. It is then formally requested. If the cloth goes backward it means that the cloth is not up for request or there has not been another death in the whanau. Some whanau make new cloths for each Hura Kohatu and therefore the cloth always goes backwards at those whanau Hura Kohatu. Speaking During the pohiri, it is set as to who speaks. At the urupa (cemetery) others usually speak to say their final farewalls, similar to the tangihanga. The marae and the meeting house (whare nui(tupuna)) are complementary and together serve as the focal point for community sentiment. Whare nui is normally the major central building and, in the main, ornately carved and in nearly all cases it is not only named after an ancestor but it is structured to represent symbolically the ancestor.

Thus the carved figure (tekoteko) on the roof top in the front represents the ancestor’s head, the carved angles from the head down towards the ground (maihi) represent the arms, the ridge pole to the carved figures around the walls (poupou) represent the ribs, are normally carved ancestors representing other tribes. Poupou then function as identifies in a feeling of belonging. The uprights, normally two holding up the tahuhu, represent connection between Ranginui the sky father and Papatuanuku the earth mother. While there are other interpretations it follows appropriately that meeting houses are named after an ancestor. Thus, on entering the house it can be seen as entering into the bosom of the ancestor. It follows also the interaction between people on Te Maraenui Atea-o-Tumatauenga can be and should be significantly different from the type of interaction which is normally encouraged inside the house.

The Guardian of Peace (Rongomatane) reigns inside and it is in this atmosphere and under this belief that people are required to interact with one another. Traditionally faces east, to see the first rays of the sun as each day dawns. Likewise, in our tangihanga (funerals) the body lies in state, within the bosom of the ancestor, or under the protection of the ancestor to witness the fullness of last days on earth. Symbolism of whare nui: The tekoteko at the top of the whare usually represents the ancestor, who the whare is usually named after. The koruru beneath usually represents a direct descendant of the ancestor. The maihi coming from the sides of the tekoteko as well as the raparapa at the end of the maihi, represent the arms and fingers of the ancestor. The amo coming down from the sides of the maihi represent the sides of the ancestor. When you enter a whare, you are not entering an ordinary building, but the body of an ancestor, whose arms (maihi) are outstretched, ready to embrace you.

Front of the Whare
The tahuhu running the full length of the whare represents the spine of the ancestor. The heke running off the tahuhu on both sides represent the ribs. In the fully carved whare, the walls are adorned with poupou (the history, in relation to the ancestor, whose whare it is)or carvings as well as tukutuku represent the stories of life, or woven panels. The positioning of each is also important, as the poupou opposite each other are connected through the heke, the tukutuku on each side of a poupou are also related. Learning to read a whare will open up an extrodinary and living history book. Inside the Whare

The Whare Kai the eating house, the place where the “inner being” is satisfied. The whare kai is a separate building, not necessarily as a physical reality – in some cases concept or belief. The concept of tapu prescribes where food is eaten, where it cannot be eaten, and also where drinks can and cannot be drunk. To the Maori, food is a common element (noa) and the opposite of tapu. Whereas the whare tupuna (meeting house) is tapu (sacrosanct) and food cannot therefore be eaten there, the whare kai is free from tapu – the two are at opposite ends of a continuum. Many marae have a graveside (urupa) nearby acknowledging the ancestors as a living dimension of life. An ancestor is commemorated within a building – respects are paid to those who have passed on to the hono-i-wairua (gathering place of spirits) within a whaikorero (formal speech making) reflecting the belief in the merging of life and death that is significant and meaningful for the Maori. People living (te hunga ora) are the result of a combination of the dead (te hunga mate) and te hunga ora. Toilets and ablution block (whare paku)is placed rare whare nui and kai; flag poles and memorials of significant ancestors or people died during II world war are founded to the side of whare tupuna. Sleeping house (whare moe), Kauta (Kitchen) Ringawera(cooks), Mahau (verandah) Tomokanga (gateway)

Health – Te Whare Tapa Wha or Hauora (well-being)

The Maori philosophy towards health is based on a wellness or holistic health model. Maori see health as a four-sided concept representing four basic beliefs of life: Te Taha Hinengaro (psychological health), Te Taha Wairua (spiritual health), Te Taha Tinana (physical health) and Te Taha Whanau (family health). The Whare Tapa Wha can be applied to any health issue affecting Maori from physical to psychological wellbeing. The following dimensions of Te Whare Tapa Wha are described below: Wairua/Spirituality – is acknowledged to be the most essential requirement for health. It is believed that without a spiritual awareness an individual can be considered to be lacking in wellbeing and more prone to ill health. Wairua may also explore relationships with the environment, between people, or with heritage. The breakdown of this relationship could be seen in terms of ill health or lack of personal identity.

When confronted with a problem Maori do not seek to analyse its separate components or parts but ask in what larger context it resides, incorporating ancestors or future generations to discussions. This may mean the discussion goes off on a tangent but the flow will return to the question. Hinengaro/Psychic – thoughts, feelings and behaviour are vital to health in Te Ao Maori (the Maori world). Maori may be more impressed with unspoken signals, eye movement, bland expressions, and in some cases regard words as superfluous, even demeaning. Maori thinking can be can be described as being holistic. Understanding occurs less by dividing things into smaller and smaller parts. Healthy thinking for a Maori person is about relationships. The individual whose first thought is about putting themselves, their personal ambitions and their needs first, without recognising the impact that it may have on others is considered unhealthy.

Communication through emotions is important and more meaningful than the exchange of words and is valued just as much, for example, if Maori show what they feel, instead of talking about their feelings, this is regarded as healthy. Tinana/Physical – is the most familiar component to all of us. For Maori the body and things associated with it are Tapu (sacred/special). There is a clear separation between sacred and common. For instance the head is regarded as tapu and Maori do not pat each other on the head, nor should food be anywhere near a persons head. When this happens it can be perceived as unhealthy. Hairbrushes should not be placed on tables nor should hats. Food is kept away from the body and so are utensils. A common thing that is observed in Maori households is that tea-towels are not placed in a washing machine but always washed by hand. Kitchen sinks/tubs should not be used to wash personal items either. When a laundry is in close proximity to the kitchen this can pose problems as well.There is also the question of personal space to take into account. Maori consider stepping over someone as rude and demeaning to that person’s mana (personal authority/power).

However there are different ways in which respect is shown to another person. For example Maori tend to have minimal eye contact and respect each other’s space in formal situations. Body language is also an important feature to note. Whanau/Family – is the prime support system providing care, not only physically but also culturally and emotionally. For Maori, whanau is about extended relationships rather than the western nuclear family concept. Maintaining family relationships is an important part of life and caring for young and old alike is paramount. Everyone has a place and a role to fulfil within their own whanau. Families contribute to a person’s wellbeing and most importantly a person’s identity. A Maori viewpoint of identity of identity derives much from family characteristics. It is important to understand that a person carrying an ancestral name will often be seen as having the qualities of their namesake. It is important to be aware for Maori, a persons identity is gleaned by asking “Where are you from” rather than “What is your name?” Maori identity is based upon an ancestral Waka (canoe) a physical landmark, which is usually a Maunga (mountain), a body of water Awa (river), Moana (sea) and a significant Tupuna (ancestor).Once this is known people share a common bond. Dimensions of hauora (well-being) – taha tinana (physical well-being), taha hinengaro (mental and emotional well-being), taha whānau (social well-being), and taha wairua (spiritual well-being) should be delivered in such a way that learning and development in all four dimensions is provided for.

The emotional distance. Where Pakeha are stereotyped as cold, selfish, mean, individualistic, neglectful of kin, and fussy, Maori have played up the image of themselves as loving, community minded, relaxed, caring, and happy. Kinship and family ties. Now, instead of representing a quality native to Maori relations, aroha or manaakitanga (caring, support and sharing) have been “altered and extended, while their connotations in the discourse of tradition are increasingly being determined by stereotypes of European practices and values”. Aroha has traditionally been the defining characteristic of Maori relations, especially between kin. Indeed, “The Pakeha lives only for his own immediate family, but a Maori never turns a relative down.” Maori would generally have a large kinship universe, implying that he/she would be able to name upwards of 200 relatives. Not only could a Maori trace his kin “a long way out,” he would accept as kin anyone who could prove kinship or whanautanga (birth).

In addition, families were generally large (out of the 35 women of child-bearing age in one Maori community, eight had more than ten children, and fourteen, between five and ten) and inclined to adopt Such extensive ties entailed extensive personal responsibilities to all kinsfolk. It was practically required to keep in touch with kinsfolk and accepted practice to leave homes open to them. If a kinsfolk was in financial need, the money should be provided; if weddings, funerals, birthdays, or special occasions occurred, attendance was expected. Understandably, the various obligations to kinsfolk could easily appear burdensome, but general opinion was that the support and love that one received in return were well worth the effort.

The most important duty of kinship, however, was that the performance of kinship duties was done out of aroha and not some misplaced sense of necessity. According to Rangihau, this was not a problem: Whanautanga to me also means that whenever a person feels lonely he will go round and visit some of his kin and it is just as enjoyable for the kin to receive a visit as it is for the person to go. In other words there is as much joy – or perhaps greater joy – in giving as in receiving. And so we give of one another to one another – we give the talents we have so everybody can share in these sorts of experiences. But, even if the feeling of aroha was not there, kinship duties were still practiced faithfully because of the reciprocal nature of the system. The rules of behavior were not explicit, but social pressures to conform were immense as they were contingent upon the threat of abandonment, the worst kind of punishment for the Maori. In Maori tradition, kinship and especially aroha provided a foundation for all social interactions, and no where is this more apparent than on the marae.

Iwi (The Tribe) has a very relevant place in today’s Maori society: “Tribal identity, whanaungatanga (kinship, collective development and loyalty) has enabled Maori to survive as a distinct and separate people in spite of the assimilation practices of previous governments and in spite of the loss of their land which is the very essence of Maori identity.” – Anne Sullivan (waikato university) believes and emphasizes it’s symbolic connotation. VanMeijl says, the reconstruction of maori identity is determined by neccesity of validation their political existence by evoking long-lost tribal culture – it’s a political influence (signification) on modern Maori. Tribal membership gaves them, first, a connection with important and exciting figures and events in the classical Maori past, and secondly, a defined place in the modern Maori social world (Metdge).

Iwi, was an independent political unit possessing tribal lands and autonomy within those lands. Tribes often existed separate from one another, developing individual histories and cultural variations over time. The tribe was a descent group in the broadest sense in that ideally, every member of the tribe was a descendent of the founding ancestor. It was the quality of the descent line, then, which was the determining factor of social status. Those who derived the greatest mana from their superior ancestors were the leaders, presiding over everything from ceremonial occasions to the more mundane aspects of everyday life. Obviously, ancestry (origin, birth – pochodzenie) was a key consideration in Maori life, and it manifested itself most clearly at the tribal level. For instance, the study of descent lines, whakapapa, was very important for leadership purposes, but it entailed far more than a reciting of names. According to Metge, “The study of whakapapa is almost inseparable from that of traditional history, which recounts the doings of the ancestors named in the whakapapa.” Indeed, in many cases, whakapapa books are sacred and whakapapa studies, religious.

In James Ritchie’s study of the Maori community Rakau, however, he found that no person knew the names of ancestors beyond six generations from his own, and that no such whakapapa books were kept. But generally, the fact that kinship and descent lines often crossed made for large but intimate communities of kin bound by common ancestry. The rural Maori were able to sustain more traditional aspects of their Maoriness than their urban counterparts, mainly because they were less directly affected by the Pakeha threat to their identity. Because today the vast majority of Maoris live in cities, to consider the role of the tribe in Maori society today requires an inspection of the urban setting, even if it is not as current as it could be.

The holistic approach of mātauranga (Morgan K., Takarangi, yin and yang, mauri and qi) avoids the disjunction between the secular and spiritual, the inherent compartmentalisation and isolation of one institution from another, and a piecemeal approach to problem and conflict resolution (Marsden, 2003). The interaction of these knowledge systems within our society is of interest as it leads to the co-opting of some concepts from one into the other. An example is that biblical and scientific mantra are evident in some aspects of contemporary Māori thinking. Takarangi (double spiral) represents the male and female descent lines beginning from Rangi and Papa, a parallel genesis through to today (University of Auckland, 1988). These opposites attract, contrast, and combine in a way that appears to parallel the Chinese philosophical concept of yin and yang and Feng Shui, which is the art of organising spatial and temporal relationships of things to enhance qi (life force). Kia aho matuahia te taketake When intellect turns to intuition Kia tūwaerea te tau Knowledge become wisdom

Kawa (by M. Mardsen) is process or processes created by atua who have the control and mana over a particular domain. The pathways that one takes from a certain beginning to reach an outcome. When humans employ the kawa, the outcome is their acquisition of the fruits of that domain. Atua-Kawa-Nga Hua For example, Tangaroa is the atua of his domain, the sea. The fruits of that domain are the fish, among other things. By observing a certain kawa, or process, humans may acquire the fruits of the domain of Tangaroa, that is, fish. Knowledge – If we posit mātauranga, or knowledge, as the fruit, we need to understand in which domain does it reside, the atua or kaitiaki of knowledge and, finally, the kawa associated with it. Esoteric nature of kawa: divinely created. Information relating to the kawa of is held within the the “corpus of fundamental knowledge ” – narratives, myth and legend, songs.

For mātauranga, that great fruit of the living universe, we again turn to the “corpus of fundamental knowledge” to seek an understanding of the origin of knowledge, its atua (kaitiaki) and the kawa associated with it. In the tradition relating to Tāwhaki’s ascent to receive the three kits of knowledge, it is recounted that he also received two mauri. Physically, these were stones, one red (rehutai) and another white (hukatai). These stones were then laid on either side of the poutüārongo of the subsequent whare wānanga whose name was Rangiātea. They became, for all time, the mauri of the whare wānanga, in short, the mauri of learning. Subsequently, as new students entered the traditional whare wānanga, they were each asked to place the stones on their tongue and symbolically swallow them. That is, they were asked to swallow the mauri of learning.

This action is similar in concept to that described by Tāmati Ranapiri where mauri are laid in snares or in fishing nets (and other places) in order to ensure the arrival of birds and fish. It’s a symbolic representation of the process that takes place in the whare tangata prior to birth. A child, therefore, is born replete with mauri, particularly rehutai and hukatai. A child is also born with the three kits of knowledge within them as well. Life, therefore, is about the activation of the mauri already present within them and an investigation of those three kits of knowledge. By extension, a new kawa for mātauranga and employed by whare wānanga, needs to recognise the inherent mauri of students and be focused upon its activation. Further, every part of the journey should be understandable in the context of these three kits. Whanaungatanga (WilliamL. McNatty, University of Waikato, 2001) has taken on a new meaning in the modern milieu. It is sometimes seen as a process of getting to know each other (whakawhanaungatanga). Sometimes it is used as the foundation of a selection interview (whanau interviews). It is sometimes used to describe the camaraderie between fellow rugby players, or to describe the ‘glue’ that connects people to each other.

Sometimes it is held up as the essential component that makes a program or intervention operate. Difficulties arise when evaluating the matching of service provision to the community needs when that community may have a different philosophical base from that of the social policy determinator and perhaps the social policy provider. This paper will argue that the significance to Māori of the interrelationship of subjective value processing and values within whānau, is why the issue of whanaungatanga has importance to Maori and why it is most often misunderstood by those people who have embraced a western academic philosophical approach.

A consideration of how issues, values, and the inter-relationships of value processes sourced from within a Māori way, can have a semblance of ‘fit’ to Pākehā ways of governance is also explored. Definition from a traditional contemporary source. In a treatise of Māori wisdom (Barrett-Aranui, 1999) – whanaungatanga is the holistic concept of inter-relationships, incorporating all the protocols, histories, whakapapa, role responsibilities and duties, and spiritual essence and physical placement of objects and aspects, among many other cues to consider. Pragmatic approach – so much part of the processes of being Māori that its principles were assumed to be known and understood by Māori and therefore did not need explanation. Definition from non-Māori academics

Ritchie (1992), introduces whanaungatanga as part of an interrelated grid of value processes, including wairuatanga (as an overall governing principle, associated with spirituality); manaakitanga has themes associated with responsibility to hospitality, reciprocity and caring; rangatiratanga refers to hierarchy, structure and authority within the group; kotahitanga is the collective unity of the group. None of the terms have a simple translation and that use of any one concept draws on a host of meanings linked to the other values in the grid. It’s a ‘basic cement that holds things Māori together’ Metge (1995) – whanaunga originates from traditional usage as restricted to ‘…relatives …connected by descent and sometimes by marriage.’(p.52) – the term derives from the Māori word whanau, to lean together. This paper concedes a usefulness in Metge’s descriptions of values, but tends more towards the position of Marsden (1975) in being highly critical of knowledge of Māori thinking that originates from the discourse of social anthropology. A summary of meaningWe can describe whanaungatanga as a default set of value processes invoked in inter-relationship considerations dependent on an issue.

The inter-relational sets of values including:

1. take/kaupapa (principles associated with the dependent issue),

2. whakapapa (principles associated with descent).

3. wairuatanga (principles associated with a spiritual embodiment),

4. manaakitanga (principles associated with duties and expectations of care and reciprocity),

5. kotahitanga (principles associated with a collective unity) and

6. rangatiratanga (principles associated with governance, leadership and the hierarchal nature of traditional Māori society) How whanaungatanga works as a model of analysis, intervention and strategy.

In the Māori cosmology there is a relationship between the spiritual realm and the physical world. The inter-relationships of the cosmological whānau (Walker, 1990) from primary principal Io and between secondary principals Ranginui (sky father) and Paptüänuku (earth mother) and their various offspring in the Māori creation mythologies, for Māori, set many of the bases for the spiritual, psychological, emotional and physical ways of being. Further into Māori mythologies are traditions of what Walker (1990) calls the Maui/Täwhaki cycle which although not common to all Māori traditions, all of the traditions have aspects of demi-god cycles where mana, (power and authority emanating from the Gods) has consequence in the relationships among the whānau members (e.g. tuakana – teina, tūpuna – mokopuna) their responsibilities and obligations of reciprocity, care and protection, aroha, whangai and manaakitanga. Whānau are the noted associated values and associated value processes and it is the application and continuity of these values and processes that give validity to whanaungatanga as an appropriate model of analysis.

Whether the whānau is issue-orientated (take/kaupapa) or descent orientated (whakapapa) the values have a consistency of application, resonating through all usages of meaning. Whanaungatanga as a model (collection of inter-related subjective experiences) fails to have a synonymous application in western science (intellectual construction), and therein lies the main failing.

The principal researcher
Huata Holmes is a kaitiaki of the Southern Māori tikanga being acknowledged as a kaumätua of Kai Tahu, Käti Mämoe, and Waitaha. He also held positions of advisement to the Education Department at the University of Otago, and the research group te Röpu Rangahau Tikanga Rua. [email protected] The processes of research.

Invitation to participate. The contact was initiated first by a courtesy phone call from Huata Holmes, then a letter following outlining what was hoped be achieved and perhaps who should be met with. The decision of who and what the agenda was to be, was then left to the school to decide. Holmes formalised the hui as a member of a small group (ope whakaeke), always with a woman’s voice present, and always as te manuhiri, and with the school as the host. In the protocols of encounter Holmes establishes his connections “…between himself, the landscape, the schools, the local communities and the teachers.”. (Bishop, 1995, p.83.).

Bishop omits the detail of karakia invoking spiritual connectedness and correctness of purpose, (all functionalised under the broad speak of the pōwhiri (ritualised welcome). The purpose is addressed until there is an integrity of quality able to be tested (in its own right) The term pono fits well in this application of value The approach of the researcher to the participants – the principle of whakarongo (being attentive and listening), then titiro (making observations) and only then kōrero (speaking and questioning), enhanced his standing. Holmes’ demeanour was to not challenge or belittle his informants. Sharing the concern

The participants allowed the researcher to share their experience and for he to share his experience with them. The principles involved here are that of kotahitanga (a collective oneness) and manaakitanga (reciprocity). As the research proceeded, there was demonstrated, a functional need for resources from the tikanga of Southern Māori. This resource development became the second of the co-joint projects (Mahi Tū Tonu).

The tapu of those resources (taonga) is being protected by keeping the stories in the Southern Māori dialect, available for all but also only available to those whose desire for the information has been tested as worthy by dint of them achieving competence in the Southern Māori reo, The resultant projects become bound into the tikanga by the processes of whakawhanaungatanga. The tikanga demonstrates the whanaungatanga, and the whanaungatanga demonstrates the tikanga. How whanaungatanga may fail as process.

From Marsden (1975) in the Māori way of thinking, all things (every person, animal, plant, rock and thought) have a mauri, an essential essence, a potential, a life force. By Holmes conforming to the kawa of the tikanga then from a traditional Māori way of thinking the processes addressed the mauri of the project. Bishop omits (neglect) discussion of this aspect in his analysis, and in the opinion of this paper by this omission belittles the mauri of the project. If any aspect of the inter-relational processes are prevented from being, then the inter-relationship fails. This would include any part of the process prevented from occurring by way of having to conform to another ideology., (for example a methodology base in a discourse of western science.) Bishop quoting Holmes discusses where this ‘other’ thought can be included into a Māori philosophy and then become part of the inter-relationship.

However Marsden (1975) doubts that a Māori way can be included or even known by experience in a Pākehā way of thinking. Barrett-Aranui, H. (1999). A gossamer of wisdom: Truths enshrouded within the ancestral house of Ngaati Maniapoto. Hamilton: Hinekahukura Barrett-AranuiBarlow, C. (1991). Tikanga whakaaro: Key concepts in Māori culture. Auckland: Oxford University Press.Bishop, R. (1996). Collaborative research stories: Whakawhanaungatanga. Palmerston North: The Dunmore Press.Durie, M. H. (1998). Te Mana, Te Kāwanatanga: The politics of Māori self-determination. AucklandFoster, J. (1991). The immaterial self: A defence of the Cartesian dualist conception of the mind. London: RoutledgeMarsden, M. (1975). God, Man, and Universe. In M. King (ed.) Te ao hurhuri: The world moves on. WellingtonMetge, J. (1995). New growth from old: The whānau in the modern world. Wellington: Victoria University PressMoeke- Pickering, T. M. (1996). Māori within whānau. M.Soc Sc thesis. Hamilton: University of Waikato. Patterson, J. 1992. Exploring Maori ValuesRangihau, J. (1992). Being Maori. In M. King (ed.) Te ao hurihuri: Aspects of Maoritanga. (pp. 183-190.) AucklandRitchie, J. E. (1992). Becoming bicultural.

Wellington: Huia Publishers and Daphne Brasell Associates Press.Salmond, A (1975). Hui: A study of Māori ceremonial gatherings. Wellington: A. W. & A. H. Reed.Salmond, A. (1978). Te ao tawhito: A semantic approach to the traditional Maori cosmos. Journal of the Polynesian Society. 87, 1, 5-28.Te Rangi Hiroa (1925). The evolution of Māori clothing. The Journal of the Polynesian Society. VI, 34, 1. University of Auckland. (1988). Tane-nui-a-Rangi. Auckland: University of Auckland Press. Walker, R. (1990) Ka whawhai tonu matou: Struggle without end. Auckland: Penguin Books.Williams, H. W. (1971). Dictionary of the Maori language. (7th ed.) Wellington: GP Publications. Williams, L.R.T., & Henare, M. (2009). The double spiral and ways of knowing. MAI Review, 3, Waahi tapu are sacred places of spiritual and cultural significance to Maori for reasons related to their associations with their tupuna (ancestors), land and historical events – these bonds are eternal.

Nevertheless people have to visit these places to maintain special relationships. Waahi tapu can include urupa (burial sites) ana tupapaku (burial caves), tauranga waka (canoe landing sites), battleground’s, mountains, rivers and lakes, symbolic and legendary landscape features, places from which important taonga are sourced (for example waahi pounamu or taonga raranga) or places associated with religious ritual. As kaitiaki , tangata whenua have decide about waahi tapu disclosure. Words are crucial in Maori life (It’s expressed by (the tongue in Maori carving). People were granted with language and it is through their korero (stories), waiata (songs) and karakia (prayers) that they participate in the unfolding of the universe (evolution, development, reveal). We are to have this control through the power of the word of the ancestors. We have the power of the word and are called to be one with the ancestors and with the spiritual powers in the exercise of the word, especially in ritual.

Ma te whenua ka whai oranga ai. Land alone gives man his sustenance (noutrishment, means of livelyhood). Environment-Maori relationship, balance – the holistic approach Maori hold in terms of natural and physical resources including elements of guardianship, custodial protection, advocacy and indicators of the wellbeing of resources. E te Atua Te Kaiarataki o te Ao Marama Te Matapuna o nga mea tapu katoa, Nga mihi tuatahi. E tu Te Ao Turoa o te wa Ko Tongariro te Matapuna Whanganui te awa Taranaki te Whakaruruhau. Nga waka o te uru: Aotea, Kurahaupo, Tokomaru mihi mai, Mihi mai ki tenei marae kainga o te iwi Kua haere Ki tua o te arai no reira Ko ratou Ki a ratou Ko tatou te hunga ora ki a tatou Tena Koutou, tena Koutou, tena Koutou Katoa. E tu ra te ngahere o te wao nui a tane Hei Whakapae ururoa Awhi mai, awhi atu Tatou tatou e. No reira e te iwi, Maori Pakeha, nga uri o te Ao Hurihuri O nga hau e wha Rapua te huarahi whanui Hei ara whakapiri I runga i te whakaaro kotahi. | I greet the creator Tanenuiarangi Creator of all life forms Standing since time began is Tongariro The source of the Whanganui River and standing alone is Taranaki the Sanctuary. Greet us the ancestral canoes And those of our ancestors who have departed farewell.

Wherefore let the dead live with the dead and the living with the living. Greetings. Our forests the great domain of Tane Mahuta Standing in time Embracing us all. Listen the people, our natural resources are diminishing Take heed of the words of our ancestors Seek the path that will unite the people of all races So that a common understanding can be reached. | The connection between the natural world and Poutini Ngai Tahu (it refers to all hapu) through whakapapa[16], where people are descended from Papatuanuku[17], the ancestral earth mother and Ranginuiatea the ancestral sky father. The care of natural resources is an act of whanaungatanga (caring for the family) which recognises that people are dependent on resources and have reciprocal obligations to care for, conserve and protect them.The need for integrated environmental management of and between all resources. The obligation to compensate and restore where environmental degradation has occurred. The need to use resources to sustain the community. The obligation to preserve the environmental integrity of the natural world for future generations.

The wise and efficient allocation and use of non-mineral resources within their capacity to regenerate themselves, and having regard to the effects of the use. We are part of the process, not above the process. We are dependent on the earth for our material needs. We have not made the earth. We do not own the earth. We have no absolute power over, or ownership of, the earth. We cannot sell our own mother, but we should to respect and protect the earth, not only for ourselves, but for all creatures who are dependent on the earth for life and nourishment. Mystic relationship – In some tribal traditions, humans changed into birds, fish and other creatures. The human body is identified with features of the landscape. This intimate experience of nature is described by anthropologists as a mystical involvement with the natural world. Nohoanga (a place to sit) traditionally referred to areas (about 1 ha in size) adjacent to lakes and rivers used by our tūpuna in pursuit of food and other natural resources.

This traditional concept has been given contemporary effect as a result of the settlement of the Ngāi Tahu Claim. The Maori relationship with the environment has been summarised, by the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment, as ‘protecting and respecting what we have and restoring what is lost’. The means to recognise this relationship is centred on the Treaty of Waitangi. Section 4 of the Conservation Act 1987 states that “… the Act shall be so interpreted and administered as to give effect to the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi….” (see Appendix 1). In protecting the natural and historic values of the Conservancy, Tangata Whenua will need to be regularly consulted. Three aspects of the Maori perception of the natural world:

• Mauri is the passed essence of life force providing life fulfilling each being (passed by Ranganui and Papa to the offspring and ) down to all living things through whakapapa, the binding force between the physical and the spiritual aspects or life force pervades all living and non-living things and maintains the correct balance between natural resources. If Mauri is disturbed all things suffer, it’s extinction is associated with death. Its presence might be symbolised by a stone buried in a forest or a stone placed in a river. By protecting the Mauri of a resource (taonga, also treasure), a hapu could expect to receive a sustained use of that resource. Mauri also establishes the inter-relatedness of all living things (based on the whakapapa of creation) and the basis for the holistic world-view. In terms of hierarchy the mauri of the hapu takes precedence over that of the community and the whanau (family). This is because of the eternal relationship (central to the identity and mana of the hapu, established by whakapapa) that exists between the Hapu and a specific geographic location or rohe.

The relationship that the community, or a whanau has with the environment is more transient (temporary) than this traditional relationship. Mauri is a divine authority derived from the Gods in order to nurture food resources in a particular area lest they go somewhere else: mauri upon land, mauri in water, rivers, lakes. If one has a mountain without birds or a forest without birdlife or a river without fish (varieties of fish and eel) then a mauriora is planted… Measuring the integrity of our ecosystem, the state of the environment (physical health and spiritual integrity) reflects its mauri. Resource Management Act 1991 (7th clause) identifies the intrinsic values of ecosystems as being a matter for which practitioners shall have due regard and the state of the environment that a particular hapu have mana whenua over reflects on their mana and their authority to continue in the role of kaitiaki for that rohe or catchment.

• Tapu placed on a place, a person or a resource has the effect of protecting its lifegiving qualities. Mauri and Tapu gave tipuna Maori a strong sense of continuity with nature. This relationship forms the basis of the Maori value system. The cosmogony illustrates the unity between nature and Maori. The lament of the sky father for his beloved Papa is signified by mists and falling rain. In the most important rituals, water was used as the spiritual link between nature and man.

• Kaitiakitanga – humans are the guardians of the world who assist the gods and ancestral spirits to preserve and protect the physical environment, as well as cultural elements such as art and language.

In modern terms, kaitiakitanga is a holistic philosophy that aims to deliver the planet to future generations with its mana / status intact. the role of kaitiaki (assistants of gods) may be human (live or dead) or non-human (e.g. Taniwha, living creature), involves the excercise of guardianship, stewardship and responsibility by local Tangata Whenua who posses mana whenua of their land. This responsibility consists namely in: 1. restoring the mana of the people, i.e. assuring the actualisation of their primary tapu by helping them to develop their potential. The full mana of the Maori is directly related to their role of kaitiaki; 2. assuring the sustainability and the long term use of their taonga which encompass all the natural resources of their land; 3. protecting the fragile elements of their ecosystems;

4. replenishing and assuring the provisions of all the sources of kai for the future generations; 5. planning and supervising all commercial developments with the iwi and the rangatira, those leaders who favour harmony within their community and it’s oneness 6. developing educational programs to explain the interrelations between all the elements of their living taonga (lands, seabeds, foreshores, water, air, animals and human beings) and to help people understand how the imbalance or destruction of one element can seriously affect all the others.

The compilled, intimate knowledge of their land has been transmitted to their grand children (mokopuna) by tipuna along the generations. It allows a rigorous evaluation of the mauri of their ancestral lands. For example, during the construction of a shellfish cannery along the long shore of the Ninety Mile Beach, the kaumatua, on discovering that the shellfishes would be canned and sold, gathered, discussed and came to the conclusion that the mauri of the shellfish would depart from Ninety Mile Beach. There would not be any left within fifteen or twenty years. Their predictions proved to be perfectly accurate. To sustain their mana, the tangata whenua must play their role of kaitiaki and do everything they can to preserve the mauri of their land. This includes restoring it to its original state if it has been altered by bad use. It is the means by which the Mauri of resources is restored, maintained and enhanced for present and future generations and for life itself. The concept of kaitiakitanga should inspire anyone who is interested in sustainability. But to really understand the meaning of this word, one must understand the holistic world view of the Maori – all is interrelated: the divine and the human, the living and the inanimate e.g. rain is the crying of the Rangi and mist express sorrow of Papatūānuku;

The Maori walk with deep respect by those mountains holding the mana of their ancestors who drove Te Waka . Because they are daughters and sons of the same creative principle, divine origin. The Maori don’t like anyone referring to their gods using the word “myth”. Speech originates in Io, the supreme god, and the Maori consider that their history was told to them through oral transmission since the beginning of times. Maori are therefore extremely sceptical regarding the government’s resource management plans, its conservation policies and sustainable management efforts. Based as they are within a society driven by market considerations, conservation and sustainable management policies must eventually fail.

So long as the prime values are based on economics, then the values implicit in sustainable management plans are diametrically opposed, and the latter must eventually succumb. Man is the conscious mind of Mother Earth and plays a vital part in the regulation of her life support systems; and man’s duty is to enhance and sustain those systems. The tragedy however is that when these first principles are forsaken and Mother Earth is perceived as a commodity and her natural resources seen as disposable property to be exploited, then there is no avoiding the abuse and misuse of the earth. Man becomes a pillager, despoiler and rapist of his own mother. Forests are denuded. The land, the sea and air are polluted. Her surface is scarred and the resources are depleted. WhanaungatangaOne of the Maori fundamental values relates to whakapapa. To determine the place and relations of each individual in Maori society. His situation in the family determines his behavior towards the other members of his community and draws the line for transmission of their knowledge.

In the philosophical discourse (Whakapapa Korero) everything that exists is related to a family which itself relates to other families whose origins can be traced back to Ranginui and Papatuanuku. Maori use the word tipuna to talk about their forebears (it includes all that allows an individual to exist: his ancestors, but also his land, the forests, the mountains, the earth, the sky, the waterways, the oceans and all their contents). In the stories of the forebears, the Whakapapa Korero celebrates the universal sanctity of life and describes how the families are tied to each other by their tipuna. At the heart of the Maori world view is their recognition that all the elements in nature have a sacred value because of their relationship in the spiritual realm. All share the same spiritual essence (wairua), which comes from the union of the sacred waters of Ranginui and Papatuanuku. Tapu and mana

Tapu (mana has similar meaning) is often translated by the word “sacred”. While tapu stands for a “potential of power”, mana is the actualisation, the manifestation of this “potential”. The mana of the Tawhito is the source of the “immanent tapu” of a creature. Each human being owns his full tapu (potential) at his birth. This tapu doesn’t depend on what he is, but on what it can become. But he will have his full mana only when his potential is enacted. But since his mana is the manifestation of his primary tapu coming directly from the mana of the god to whom his existence is dedicated (Tawhito), a human being must uphold his mana otherwise he commits a sacrilege (profanation) toward his Tawhito. Fortunately, the mana can be restored. A person’s mana may take different forms: Mana atua comes directly from the gods; by his intrinsinc tapu, a Maori is identified with the spiritual power of whom he shares the mana.

Mana whenua comes from the earth of Papatuanuku; a Maori is identified with the land of his tipuna. Mana tangata comes from belonging to a family; a Maori is not an isolated individual, but the community compound (consists living members as well as dead ancestors). The mana of a forest is expressed, for example, in its birds, trees and other natural features. Abundant blossoms and fruit, and birds arriving to feed, show the forest’s mana. Terms such as matomato (growing vigorously) and māpua (fertile=prolific) describe this abundance. For mana to come forth in the forest, some restrictions have to be put in place. Tapu (spiritual restriction) gives rise to the practice of rāhui (restrictions). The forest must also possess mauri, an elemental life force. This allows fruit to grow, birds to arrive and so on. In traditional kaitiakitanga, forests were strictly managed. Tohunga (priests) carried out rituals such as karakia (prayer) over a mauri stone (a stone believed to preserve the life force). They protected the mauri of the forest so its mana could flow.

Each creature has its own tapu, there are continuous meetings between tapu elements in this world. To set a little order in this “sacred” dynamics, Maori have established a system of restrictions, also called tapu. Some still believe that if a tapu is violated, something very bad will happen. Human beings may be touched by many restrictions: for instance, in order to respect the tapu of a person, there are tapu times, tapu hands, tapu food, tapu objects, tapu places and tapu events, like birth, hair cutting, war or death. A place or an object may be transferred from the profane area (noa) to the sacred one (tapu) after consulting and under the direction of the tohunga (priest) or the kaumatua (elders) of the community. This restriction mainly aims at protecting the place or the object. It becomes sacred not because it has a tapu of its own, but because of its relation with an intrinsinc tapu. For instance, a part of a river may be declared tapu after a drowning. A cemetery is the best example of te waahi tapu (sacred place). All profane use of these places or objects is a sacrilege. A tapu may be lifted with the appropriate karakia during a ritual ceremony. Whenua, mana whenua and tangata whenua

Whenua is the name given to the earth, but the word also describes the placenta (łozysko). When a child is born, the umbilical cord (pepowina, pito) and the placenta are generally buried or placed in a tree. This practice confirms the unbreakable tie that links the child with his homeland. After death his body is returned to the earth that gave birth (whaipo) to him and nurtured (feed, educate, bring up, care) him. The Maori traditional way of cooking (hangi) is a reminder that the earth, Papatuanuku, is the source of all food; it involves digging a hole in the ground, putting some heated stones at the bottom on which food is placed, adding water to produce steam and covering all with earth. Mana whenua is expressed through the iwi capacity to feed its guests. In the 1850s, when the chiefs of certain iwi were asked to accept the title of king of the Maori, one after the other they refused referring to their land and its food capacity.

They didn’t have the sufficient resources to manaaki, i.e. to grant their hosts the hospitality that would suit the function of the king. Mana whenua is like a delegation of power from the gods to the community belonging to a land. To honour this divine duty, the tangata whenua are obligated to continue the role of the Tawhito who delegate their power (mana) to them. Tikanga Maori and rahuiThe expression Tikanga Tiaki refers to the specific rules applying to the conservation and protection of the taonga of the land. According to their role of kaitiaki, the Maori instituted the use of rahui to assure the sustainability and the replenishment of their resources. The rahui is a provisory ban, a kind of a moratorium prohibiting the access to a land or a part of a land to the hunters, fishermen, farmers and other types of users. The rahui aims at preventing the overexploitation, the degradation or the collapse of a resource as well as the pollution of the environment. The rahui can be lifted when the resource is replenished. The rahui should be declared by the kaitiaki after consulting with the kaumatua and be based on the best scientific information available References:

1. Song of Waitaha, The Histories of a Nation details: http://www.songofwaitaha.co.nz/purchase on line: http://www.waitaha.org.nz/ 2. What is Maori Theology, Michael Shirres http://homepages.ihug.co.nz/~dominic/intro.html 3. Establishing Kaitiaki A paper published by Nganeko Kaihau Minhinnick 19 August 1989 4. Kaitiakitanga, A Definitive Introduction to the Holistic World View of the Maori A paper by Maori Marsden and T. A. Henare, November 1992 Included in “The Woven Universe” – selected writings of Rev Maori Marsden, edited by Charles Royal.Published by Te Wananga o Ruakawa, 2003 ISBN 0-473-07916-X
available from www.mkta.co.nz 5. Te Whanau Moana, Customs and ProtocolsMcCully Matiu and Margaret Mutu Reed Publishing (NZ) Ltd, 20036. Tangata Whenua (People of the Land) and Whakapapa Korero (Layers of Knowledge) Takirirangi

Smithhttp://english.kfem.or.kr/international/symposium/Tangata%20Whenua.doc The writer, Andree Mathieu, is a physicist, a past member of the Prime Minister of Quebec’s Office and now a researcher, writer and a presenter working with many organisations active in the area of sustainability. In June 2003 she became aware of the Tipu Ake Leadership Model, translated it into French and has helped present it as a new tool to help drive sustainable practices in organisations (See www.tipuake.org.nz under stories) She came to Aotearoa in Feb-April 2004 to find out more. From the many documents and stories that were shared with her, she has collated this paper on the rich Maori concept of Kaitiakitanga. (See www.kaitiakitanga.net).

The original of this story is in French and is available on the l’Agora On line Encyclopedia http://agora.qc.ca/mot.nsf Read her many other stories there. This reflection is her koha (gift in return) to the Maori people of Aotearoa and in particular the Ngati Whare and other people of Whirinaki, Te Urewera who have shared much with her. She has assigned the copyright of this work to their home, the place Te Whaiti Nui-a-Toi, the sacred store place of their ancestral wisdom for around 1000 years. Here it will be safe guarded for all time by its Ngati Whare kaitiaki and freely shared for the benefit of all the world’s future grandchildrens.

With the permission of the author and inclusion of the copyright statement [( c)2004 www.tewhaiti-nui-a-toi.maori.nz] it can be freely published. SEE ALSO “Systems Thinking and Common Ground” – A paper by Dr John Peet, Dept of Chemical & Process Engineering, University of Canterbury, published in the International Journal of Transdisciplinary Research Vol 1 No 1 2006. It outlines to the contribution that Maori values and processes can make to our understanding of systems thinking and sustainability. Also a paper by Te Kipa Kepa Brian Morgan, University of Auckland Engineering School – “A Tangata Whenua perspective on Sustainability using the Mauri Model” and also “Traditional Approaches to Forest Managemant and the Mauri Model” Read how this thinking impacts our “Future Wellbeing” -a sustainability stocktake in New Zealand 2007″ B. Morgan (Senior Lecturer Civil & Environmental Engineering Faculty of Engineering, University of Auckland) A Tangata Whenua Perspective on Sustainability using the Mauri Model the Tangata Whenua have traditionally considered that wastes of different types and activities involving waste had physical and spiritual attributes such as their associated tapu and could therefore have value in either context. The New Zealand Waste Strategy (Ministry for the Environment, March 2002) states; “Maori have a unique perspective and role in waste minimisation and management.

They have played an important role in pushing change in the area of wastewater treatment and disposal… As New Zealand moves towards zero waste Maori are expected to become more active in waste management planning and waste prevention. Decision-making must allow for direct Maori input into policy, standards and guidelines, monitoring and evaluation, and iwi consultation in preparing waste minimisation and management plan. At present, Kaitiakitanga is being rediscovered and explored. Māori communities are reconstructing and expressing traditional knowledge in their tribal areas. They are restoring both environmental areas and tribal knowledge of those places. There are many examples of contemporary kaitiakitanga: Ngāi Tahu tribe are kaitiaki of the pounamu (greenstone) resource in the South Island. In 1981, a claim was taken to the Waitangi Tribunal on behalf of Te Āti Awa ki Taranaki, about sewage and industrial waste polluting tribal fishing areas. N. Kahungunu, Rangitāne, Muaūpoko, N. Raukawa have assemblied to address pollution of the Manawatū river. The Te Rarawa people are working to protect the kūkupa (wood pigeon).

Teranga Agreement (1995, between the Whanganui Iwi and the Minister of Conservation) provided for the establishment of the Te Ranga Forum to discuss and negotiate a range of matters which affect all Whanganui River Aims: the development of cooperation for conservation, common projects realization, mutual devotion fer protecting the natural environment, resolution of the controverse issues by negotiations and discussion,[18] Kaitiakitanga has been included in some legislation. The Resource Management Act 1991[19] aims to enable sustainable management of environmental resources. It states that people managing resources under the act must take kaitiakitanga into account.

This act defines kaitiakitanga as ‘the exercise of guardianship by the tangata whenua of an area in accordance with tikanga Māori in relation to natural and physical resources; and includes the ethic of stewardship’. Kaitiakitanga was also included in the Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004, where it has the same meaning. As kaitiakitanga has been included in law, interest has grown considerably. Iwi have seen these provisions as a chance to further kaitiakitanga in their traditional areas. In bringing kaitiakitanga into law, the government has put tribal interests and hopes within a wider community context. Tribal groups often negotiate with other groups such as local authorities. This has led to ongoing debate about kaitiakitanga and how to provide for it in New Zealand’s environmental management regime. Kaitiakitanga allows Māori today to feel they are meeting the responsibilities and hopes of their ancestors. It also allows non-Māori to reflect on the notion of kinship with nature, and how this idea might be useful in an environmentally threatened world. However, there are some challenges in applying kaitiakitanga today. Practitioners need to understand mana , tapu and mauri and relate them to the modern setting, the different world-view and values of land-owners and regional authorities.

The development of a shared conservation ethic with Tangata Whenua has much to commend it, as the two Treaty partners look toward a common future. Mutual understanding of values, concepts or rituals and act with care and consideration is essential. Partners should be well informed (by dissemination, liaison, monitoring and consultations). Co-operation (it’s meaning is one of the most important matters, are reported in significant detail in the Waitangi Tribunal hearings) between the Crown and Tangata Whenua is laid down in the Treaty and is recognized as it’s pillar. It should be based on equal status, reasonableness, awareness of the partner’s views, fairness and good faith. Effective cooperation will achieve mutually beneficial conservation outcomes along with the integration of Maori perspectives into the work of the Department.

This could include partnership strategies and projects, the identification and protection of Tangata Whenua taonga (properties), and information sharing. The ethic of stewardship (unproper term, relate to the care of anothers property) provides a common foundation for managing the conservation of resources in the Conservancy for both sides and brings their contribution to the resolution of conservation issues. The Department is a guardian of the areas it manages and Tangata Whenua are the kaitiaki of the resource and its mauri. The Maori expect the Department to advocate the conservation of natural and historic values and they need to gain skills in field of resource management.

Games: Manu Aute (Kites) were flown both for amusement and sometimes for more serious purposes – different forms for different purposes, adults also flew kites. It’s being done sometimes at social gatherings, everyone brings own kite. The Manu Atue was usually made from the aute (mulberry – morwa) bark (kora), hence where the name came from. The Manu Paititi is a small common sort of kite made by or for children, as it is easily made. Small Manu Taratahi are flowen by children and the large Manu Taratahi are flown by adults. Karetao (puppets) were manipulated in much the same way as puppets and were used to help tell stories. Songs accompanied each set of actions. The karetao is held in an upright position with one hand at its base and the other holding the cord (sznurek, linka). By alternately pulling and slackening the cord, the arms assume different positions.

At the same time, by shaking the karetao at the base, the arms are made to quiver and imitate a person doing a haka. Whai (string games) the forming of various designs, of which there are many, was practiced for amusement as well as for improving dexterity of the fingers. Both children and adults play whai.Competitions are sometimes held, with the aim being to complete a certain set of patterns in the fastest time possible. In whai all the figures are given names and usually represent a story, an object or star paths. Some figures require more than one person to form them. The use of several people to form a complicated design is quite common. Titi Torea to throw sticks and compose patterns in accordance to beat

The koauau is a type of flute. It has a haunting sound.
The putatara is a conch shell. The bigger the shell, the deeper the sound. The sound of a putatara carries. The putorino is another type of flute. There are 3 different ways to play a putorino, each way producing a unique sound The pukaea is like a trumpet

The nguru is a type of flute. The difference between the koauau and the nguru, is that the nguru is often refered to as a nose flute

Kapa Haka, the Traditional Maori Performing Arts (including poi, haka, waiata a ringa (action songs) as well as sound, lyrics and videos to popular Maori items) is unique in the fact that the performers must sing, dance, have expression as well as movement all combined into each item. Kapa Haka could be seen as sign language, as each action has a meaning, which ties in with the words. For example, if the hand is by the ear, this would probably tie in with the word whakarongo which means to listen. Timing – each item will have a certain beat and speed, some items have tempo changes. It is important to ensure that the timing is accurate.

The change from one action to another is also part of the timing. A good group have the actions synchronised as well as the foot work, which helps with timing (different areas have different styles of footwork, some areas lift the foot and some areas don’t. It is important to recognise and appreciate different areas’ styles, as this reflects their tikanga) Stance – the way a performer holds themselves is also important. Confidence, comes over time. Wiri – trembling (shaking) of the hands, a side to side movement of the whole hand and is not a wriggling of the fingers. The wiri represents the world around us, from the shimmering of the waters of a bright sunny day, to the heat waves rising from the ground to the wind rustling the leaves of the trees. Waiata a Ringa (action song) 10 categories for events (e.g. Poroporoaki, pohiri) and topics or activities (aroha, ngahau – entertainment, karakia – ritual chants, whakatoi – tease, mocking; whakapapa – genealogy; ) Periods: Traditional – before the arrival of Cook in 1769

1769 – 1814 – Sailor influence
1814 – 1870 – Missionary influence – introduction of hymns and learning to play musical instruments 1870 – 1930 – Secular period era of the concert party and the development of the waiata a ringa. 1911 saw Maggie Papakura and a large Te Arawa Troupe tour successfully toured Great Britian, complete with a carved meeting house. In 1900’s a feeling of optimism came and so Maori music changed. It lost the nostalgic feeling for the past and lively tunes became increasingly popular. WW1 inspired many farewells, love songs. 1930 – 1965 – WWII also produced its crop of songs in response to the time. During this period of sudden change, new ideas and short lived fashions in jazz, swing, and rock and roll, Maori music reflected this. 1965 – present – The Aotearoa Traditional Maori Performing Arts Festival came into being as a result of a decision that the Maori Purposes Fund Board made on the 11 August 1964. It was not until 1972 that the first festival was held, with the aim to encourage Maori to write their own music. Today the festival is still alive and strong, competition is fierce and originality is strong.

The beginning of Haka is usually credited to the story of Kae and Tinirau. The Peruperu (hard conditioning makes the warriors physically and mentally fit. Peru means”anger”, and this is how it got it’s name. Its psychological purpose is to demoralise the enemy, which no other form of haka can match. The outstanding feature of the Peruperu is the high leap (jump, bound, quick change of condition or subject) off the ground, with the legs folded under), Tutungarahu (the jumping is not up and down, but rather from side to side) Whakatuwaewae doesn’t have any jumping

are all performed with weapons. Traditionally, they were done before battle and tohu (instruction, guide) could be read into them, according to the jumps. These haka were performed in front of their own Iwi, to the women, the young folk and the Kaumatua. The women would notice the tohu. When the jumps were performed by the taua (army, lover), if the height of the jumps were not in unison, this was a tohu of impending disaster. An offender, who had his legs down, when the rest were high in the air, was sought out reprimanded and perhaps even left behind in disgrace when the taua departed.

The Haka With Set Actions are known for their precision and timing. Some other types of Haka done with Set Actions that are not common today are as follows – Haka Horuhoru were performed kneeling and deep grunting sounds were used Haka Rurirui were performed sitting

Haka Pikari were performed with certain leg movements not found in others ie. shuffle Haka Aroakapa were performed in two or more rows facing each other – this is the common formation of today. Haka Porowha were performed in a square, with the ranks facing outwards, this was good if the audiences peaceful intentions were suspect. Haka Tutohu were performed in a wedge (klin)

The Haka Without Set Actions
Ngeri, are short haka to stiffen the sinews and summon up the blood, but have no set movements, thereby giving the performers free rein to express themselves as they deem appropriate. The Manawawera, do not have set movements. In Tuhoe, they were performed at Tangihanga, Hurakohatu and Hari Mate. Pokeka, is a term peculiar to the Te Arawa tribes, and are like the Manawawera, except that there is no specific occasion Kaioraora, are used expressly for the venting of hatred (release, express animosity, enemity).

Every Iwi has composed them, and every Iwi has been the inspiration for them. Kaioraora literally means to eat alive. Such is the anger and the hatred of the composer, that ‘she’, (in most instances, the composers of this type of haka, are women), would like to eat alive the perpetrators of the dastardly deed, that prompted the anger and the hatred. From Pre-European days to the present, a Haka Taparahi has always been a ceremonial haka never for war, and always performed without weapons, but with set actions. After World War I, the Haka Taparahi emerged in a new and vigorous form. Haka Taparahi may express any private or public sentiment.

Poi is a ball in the end of a string, long (has bigger movements) and short (known for the rythms and sounds) type. If the person who is performing the poi is experienced, their manipulating, hitting and twirling of it can make it look easy. There are different thoughts on the origin of the poi: The flexibility and dexterity of the poi have, in the past been a means of training warriors or The long poi represent the oars (wiosła) of our Tupun or Women of High rank were trained in the art of the long poi, manipulating up to 4 at a time

[ 1 ]. Michael P.J Reilly, A Stranger to the Islands: voice, place and the self in Indigenous Studies, 2009, following by M. Mardsen, God, Man and the Universe [ 2 ]. Vilsoni Hereniko, ‘Indigenous Knowledge and Academic Imperialism’. In Robert Borofsky (ed.), Remembrance of Pacific Pasts: An Invitation to remake History. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000, pp. 82-86; Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. London: Zed Books, 1999, pp. 19-35 [ 3 ]. Decolonizing Pacific Studies: Indigenous Perspectives, Knowledge, and Wisdom in Higher Education’. In The Contemporary Pacific, vol. 15, no. 1 (Spring 2003), pp. 3-4 [ 4 ]. Supreme god, the foundation of all, almighty, eternal, glorious one, all wise – his names. Ultimately all, the land, the people and the spiritual powers, are dependent on Io, the root foundation of everything. [ 5 ]. The Tawhito ( People’s Ancestors) were born from the divine embrace of the parents, [ 6 ]. In fact TW has been changed since it’s confirmation – from flagrant (intentional, evident, bad) disregard during the Pakeha/Maori Land Wars in the nineteenth century to a stagnated and highly contested progress towards its fulfillment in the present. [ 7 ].

The Awareness of the socio-economic status fall, culture degeneration and transformation, fear of losing all that is Maori about them and the state apathy to honor the treaty was the most important cause of the proud legacy (heritage) uphold. In response to this kind of popular sentiment, Peter Tapsell, a former Internal Affairs Minister: “New Zealand Europeans, and I am not saying this in a bitter way, are peasants. That’s how it is. What we have here is aristocratic Maoris and peasant Europeans. Really, that’s a problem.” [ 8 ]. Many Maori, if they had even heard of it, were convinced that it was nothing more than a colonial document without truth, signed by chiefs who didn’t understand the terms or the potential ramifications, and therefore non-binding. Smoe activists were convinced (persuaded), the treaty represents salvation of the Maori people. [ 9 ]. However, the individual title, stood or fell with the tribe or hapu whose corporate strength would defend it. The individual could not exist apart from his membership of the group and the rights of the group dominated the rights of the individual. The chiefs and elders were the governing organs of the community, and, to a greater or lesser extent according to their degree of autocracy, could claim to speak for the tribe.

There were first symptoms towards individual possession at the beginning of 20th centaury. The main line of land management progress must, it seems, be towards true individualisation—one person or family owning and using land in the most efficient and productive way. Another special line is that of the incorporation where a central management runs a large block for the benefit of the owners. [ 10 ]. 150,000 Maori living in cities alienated from their tribal roots [ 11 ]. authority of the chiefs weakening—particularly in regions of close settlement and urban emigration. They had discovered the attractions of a cash economy and had developed more sophisticated tastes in clothing, food, furniture, and, of course, stimulants and sports. Boys who had been given a sound education in missionary schools had become men and the Christian teachings were on the whole not calculated to maintain the communal relationships previously existing. [ 12 ]. It is extremely misleading to regard Maori as a homogenous group, one in their Maoriness.

Each tribe has its unique history, ancestors, dialect, different way of adaptation process. However,John Rangihau, whose tribe migrated to the city later than most, believes that Maoritanga glosses over (hide under, avoid, pass over) the complexity of the Maori people by denying diversity in tribal heritage: The Maoritanga is a term coined by the Pakeha to bring the tribes together. If you cannot divide and rule, then all you can do is unite and rule. Tangata Whenua lose everything by losing their own tribal histories and traditions that give them their identity. [ 13 ]. the Pakeha system was recognized as modern and sympathetic and universally applicable whereas the traditional Maori ways were backwards and inefficient. [ 14 ]. It was because of this philosohy that the Maori did not conveniently forget about the Treaty of Waitangi once it was signed, as we face the past and it has always been in front of us, hence the reason that it has never been forgotten. When we recite our whakapapa, or genealogy, we start at the Waka (canoes) and come down to ourselves. When we do our pepeha, again we start in the past and come down to ourselves. [ 15 ].

Formal “lessons” do not need to be arranged, as a kaumatua would have been taught by their kaumatua over the years through korero and attending different events. It is by this same style that a kaumatua passes on what they know. A kaumatua is not necessarily the person who speaks on the marae or who does the karanga for if that is not their skill, by doing so could bring the mana of the marae down. A kaumatua usually has a specialty field, ie: whakapapa (genealogy), history, tikanga etc. However, they will also know people who are specialists in the areas that they are not, and can call on them when the need arises. [ 16 ]. Genealogy as a tool for transmitting knowledge pervaded Maori culture. Every class and species of things had their own genealogy. This was a handy method for classifying different families and species of flora and fauna, of the order in which processes occurred and the order in which intricate and prolonged activities or ceremonies should be conducted etc. [ 17 ]. Earth is a living organism with her own biological systems and functions. She provides a network of support systems for all her children who live and function in a symbiotic relationship.

The different species and genera contribute to the welfare of other species and also help to sustain the biological functions of Mother Earth both in their life and death. Her children facilitate the processes of ingestion, digestion, and excretion. The streams of water are her arteries bringing the life giving waters for her to imbibe and share with her offspring. Those same streams act as alimentary canals and help in the disposal of waste. [ 18 ]. Wanganui Conservancy CMS, chapter 4. Tangata Whenua, April 1997 [ 19 ]. I’ts to promote the sustainable management of natural and physical resources (sec 3(1)). By definition ‘sustainable’ management includes the protection of the community’s enjoyment of those natural and physical resources. In achieving those purposes, matters of national importance are specified. One of those matters is a requirement to recognise and provide for the relationship of Maori and their culture and traditions with their ancestral lands, water, sites, wahi tapu and our taonga.

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